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Status of Women in new zealand
New Zealand's 6th CEDAW report to the United Nations has been released.
Pasifika Women's Economic Well-Being Study - Final Report
5 August 2005
Dr ‘Ana Hau‘alofa‘ia Koloto & Dr Sashi Sharma
ISBN 0478252196
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Acknowledgements
Introduction
BackgroundDefinition of ‘Pasifika Women
Research Objectives and Questions
Outcomes of the Research
The Research Team
Structure of the Report
Methodology
IntroductionTheoretical Frameworks
Setting Up Phase Pilot Study
Main Study
Data Analysis and Report Writing
Problems and Difficulties
Key Points Relating to the Methodology Pasifika women's roles and economic contributions
Introduction
Tongan Family Structure
Multiple Roles of Pasifika Women
Economic Contributions to Family and Extended Family
Economic Contributions to Families in the Pacific Nations
Economic Contributions to Communities in New Zealand
Contribution to Communities in the Pacific and Other
Countries
Changing Roles and Impact on Economic Contributions
Key Points Relating to Women’s Roles and Economic Contributions
Financial priorities and needs
Introduction
Financial Decision Making Processes
Financial Priorities
Factors Influencing Financial Decisions
Coping with Financial Difficulties
Summary of Key Points Relating to Financial Decisions, Priorities and
Needs
Access to employment, self-employment, education and training
Introduction
Pasifika Women’s Skills and Areas of Strength
Satisfaction and Lack of Satisfaction with Current Employment
Perceived Barriers to Paid Employment
Setting Up Own Business
Access to Education and Training
Balancing Paid Employment, Family and Community Work
Key Points Relating to Employment, Self-Employment and Training
What is 'Economic well-being'?
Introduction
Ability to Meet the Needs of Family
Financial Freedom, Debt Free and Self-reliant
Holistic Wellbeing
Financial Stability and Security
Being Happy, Satisfied or Contented
Having a Paid Job
Other Definitions
Key Points Relating to Definitions of Economic Wellbeing
Summary of results and implications
Introduction
Pasifika Women’s Roles and Economic Contributions
Financial Decisions, Priorities and Needs
Barriers and Access to Employment and Self-Employment
Barriers and Access to Education and Training
Balancing Paid Employment, Family and Community Work
Definitions of ‘Economic Wellbeing’
Implications
Concluding Comments
APPENDIX A: Participant Information Sheet
APPENDIX B: Consent Form
APPENDIX C: Interview Schedule for Focus Group
APPENDIX D: Interview Schedule For Individual Interviews
APPENDIX E: Characteristics of Participants
The authors gratefully acknowledge the contribution of so many people without which this research project would not have been successfully completed.
Ministry of Women’s Affairs Staff
The Ministry of Women’s Affairs for commissioning this significant study for Pasifika women, in particular, to Sonya Rimene, Manager of the Treaty Relationship Unit for her leadership within MWA, and Pat Duncan for the administrative support of the project.
Reference Group Members
The authors are grateful for valuable support and input from members of the Reference Group.
Jean Mitaera and Esther Cowley Malcolm, P.A.C.I.F.I.C.A Inc
Karlo Mila Schaaf and Jacinta Fa’alili, Health Research Council of New Zealand
Halahingano Rohorua, The University of Waikato
Sela Gaualofa, Ministry of Pacific Islands Affairs
Kay Switzer, Ministry of Economic Development
Ta’i George, Tertiary Education Commission
Sonya Rimene, Sarah Howard, and Huia Haeata, Ministry of Women’s Affairs
Pasifika Women
Special thanks go to the 230 Pasifika women who took part in the individual interviews and the focus groups for this study. Your ideas and experiences not only formed the basis of this Final Report but also enhanced our understanding of the issues that impact on the roles and economic contributions of Pasifika women. Your contribution will always be valued.
Koloto & Associates Staff
Last but by no means least, the authors would like to thank the research team and the administrative support team:
Iva Singsam Sashi Sharma Fuaao Stowers
Ulufafo Samau Taua’i Lucy Fuli Makaua Nella Tuisano
Christine Finau Charlene Kaufusi Petronila Lemihio
Christina Atoa Tapu Lepeka Tatila Ena Polima
‘Ana Koloto
Thank you for your commitment and all the hard work put into facilitating focus groups, undertaking individual interviews, following up interviews with Pasifika women, and analysing the information that helped ensure the voices of the participants were gathered for this research project.
To ‘Emosi Koloto, Charlene Kaufusi, Ruth Polima, Sinisia Koloto and Semisi Koloto Jr, for providing the management and administrative support for this project.
Kia Manuia, Vinaka Vaka Levu, Fakaue Lahi, Fakafetai Lava, Mālō ‘Aupito, Faafetai Tele Lava.
‘Ana Hau‘alofa‘ia Koloto Sashi Sharma
Principal Researcher Senior Researcher
Introduction
This research project on Pasifika women’s economic wellbeing is the second stage of the Ministry of Women’s Affairs’ project entitled “Improving Pacific Women’s Economic Wellbeing”. The overall aim of this stage of the project was to support the economic development of Pasifika communities in an inclusive, innovative economy. This report presents and discusses the findings of the qualitative study on the strategies for Pasifika women’s economic wellbeing.
In August 2003, a team of Pasifika women researchers from Koloto & Associates Ltd was contracted to undertake the qualitative study of Pasifika women economic wellbeing. The key objectives of this study were to identify and describe:
• Pasifika women’s economic issues, strategies and priorities
• Pasifika women’s definitions of economic wellbeing
• The underlying social and cultural forces that shape Pasifika women’s economic contribution
• The systematic barriers and realities that may impede progress for Pasifika women in the labour market
• The financial support and skills needed for self-employment, and the usefulness of existing programmes for business development and support
• Issues, strategies and priorities for Pasifika women in balancing paid employment, family and community involvement.
The study involved a Pilot Study with a sample of 23 participants and the Main Study involved 207. A total of 230 Pasifika women participated in this study. The data was collected through:
• Sixteen focus groups with 84 Pasifika women in Dunedin, Wellington, Palmerston North, Hamilton and Auckland
• Individual interviews with a sample of 146 Pasifika women from Christchurch, Wellington, Tokoroa, Hamilton and Auckland.
Women’s Roles and Economic Contributions
The study identified women as having multiple roles within their families, extended families, church and communities. These roles impacted on their financial contributions to their families, extended families, church and communities. The study showed the following:
• Pasifika women made significant economic contributions to their families, through payments of families’ expenses such as mortgage, rent, children’s educational needs and expenses, electricity, telephone, water and other expenses. Within their families, Pasifika women were key contributors to the finance of extended families’ activities, such as funerals, weddings, birthdays, and other occasions such as hair cutting ceremonies, youth group activities
• The extended family and the church were the two most important institutions for Pasifika women in this study
• Women in single parent households were more likely to experience financial difficulties and rely on financial support
• Not all contributions to the community were in the form of monetary assistance. Time and other resources such as food were also offered
• The churches were key beneficiaries of Pasifika women and their families’ economic contributions. About 63% of the participants made donations to the church, either through tithing 10% of their income to the churches or the annual church offerings
• About 86% made economic contributions to family members in the Pacific nations, whereas, the remaining 14% no longer contributed to families in the Pacific. The latter group were more likely to have the majority of their parents and families in New Zealand
• About 87% of the 146 participants in the individual interviews experienced changes to their roles and economic contributions, during the past two decades.
Factors that Impact on Financial Priorities and Needs
A combination of factors underpinned Pasifika women’s decisions on financial priorities. The four key financial priority areas were:
- Meeting the family’s needs
- Tithing 10% of income to the church
- Contribution to family and extended family’s activities
- Saving for future family needs.
• Meeting the needs of their families, particularly those of their children was the most influential factor in many of the women’s financial decisions as the number one area of priority. Both New Zealand and Pacific born women prioritised the payment of living expenses, mortgages and rent.
• Home ownership was shown to be related to years of residence in New Zealand, with those who had lived in New Zealand for 21-30 years was more likely to own their own home. Hence, payment of mortgages was a top priority for homeowners.
• Parents’ values and cultural values were key factors in the decision making of Pacific born women (44%), whereas New Zealand born women were more likely to take into account a budget and the availability of finance. Various roles in the family such as being the wife of a matai or church leader or the eldest daughter were important determining factors for some Pasifika women.
• Women’s beliefs in God, Christian values and obligations to the church were also key factors in financial decisions. This was the number one priority area for about 22% of the women.
Strategies for Coping with Financial Difficulties
• More than half of the participants relied on other family members for help at times of financial need. Thus, the study showed that the family and extended family are the major focus of women’s economic contributions. At the same time the family members are the main sources of financial help in time of needs.
• About 38% of the participants took out a loan either from a bank or a finance company, to cope with financial difficulties. This raises a concern about the extent to which such loans could impact on the wellbeing of Pasifika women and their families.
• Only a small number of women (6%) would seek help from agencies such as Work and Income New Zealand (WINZ), the Salvation Army or their local church. The majority of the women who sought help from WINZ found the services and their entitlements effective in meeting their needs.
Barriers and Access to Employment
Eighty-five percent of the employed women were satisfied with their employment. Flexible working hours and good pay, women’s love of the types of work that they did and opportunities to work with and serve Pasifika people were cited as the three main reasons for their satisfaction.
Pasifika women in the individual interviews saw the following as barriers to employment:
• Lack of qualifications and experiences
• Lack of motivation, confidence and self-determination
• Lack of proficiency with the English language
• Caring for children and older members of their families
• Lack of information on jobs and how to apply for a job
• Lack of support and encouragement from family members, and experiences of racism.
A variety of strategies were proposed by respondents. These included holding seminars and workshops on how to find and apply for jobs; advertisement of jobs using the television, radio and the churches; availability of English language courses; on the job training; more encouragement and support from family members; greater access to low cost childcare facilities; and more networking amongst Pasifika women.
Barriers and Access to Self Employment
About 25% (i.e. 57) of women reported that they had planned to take up self-employment, whilst 75% were happy with their existing roles and employment situations. Fifteen of the women were self-employed.
In general, the study showed a lack of awareness of the range of programmes for business development. This implies that future initiatives need to involve promotion of the wide range of programmes aimed at assisting people into setting up and running their own businesses.
Barriers to self-employment included lack of finance, business knowledge and skills and access to information on how to set up and manage a business. These were followed by lack of confidence and fear of failure and the risks involved in setting up a business. Another important barrier was lack of support from their husbands and/or other family members. Without this support women would find it difficult to pursue their goals of setting up a business.
The majority of the strategies proposed to remove the above barriers focused on training and development of business skills. These strategies included the following:
• Attend existing programmes in support of business
• Develop skills and build finance
• Research and obtain information to increase awareness how to set up a business.
Barriers and Access to Education and Training
About 55% identified barriers to education and training. Ninety-two participants (i.e. 40%) suggested strategies to enhance access to education and training. The participants had described four key barriers. These included the following:
• Women having children
• high cost of training programmes
• women’s lack of motivation, determination and interest
• Lack of support from parents tutors or peers.
Four of the eight suggested strategies to address the above barriers:
• More financial support
• Accessibility of courses, training programmes and information
• More family, community and tutor support
• More empowerment and motivation.
Whilst financial support, accessibility of training programmes, and support of family members were factors outside of the control of the women, developing their confidence and motivation were areas that they assume responsibility for. Thus, whilst some barriers could exist at the personal or individual level, others such as accessibility of training programmes and support of tutors could be considered as institutional barriers. Such barriers need to be addressed at institutional level. A range of approaches to addressing barriers to training, employment and self-employment is required.
About 37% of the women had difficulty balancing the responsibilities to their paid employment, family and community. Some of those participants were also enrolled in full-time employment and that too added to their difficulties. Women who were not in employment were more likely to say that the question was not applicable to them and therefore did not provide a response. Women were more likely to cope with difficulties if they had the support of their husbands and other family members. Some women also had the support of their parents for raising their children and hence were more likely to cope.
Definitions of Economic Wellbeing
Six groups of definitions of “economic wellbeing” were shared by the participants. First, there was a group of women (a total of 101 responses) who viewed “economic wellbeing” as having enough resources to meet the needs of their families. The needs of family included their immediate family and those of their extended family, church and community.
The focus on the women’s ability to have sufficient resources to meet the needs of their families is consistent with their financial priorities and contributions. It appears that fulfilling their roles as members of their family, extended family, church and community would result in a state of “economic wellbeing”.
Financial freedom was the focus of the definitions given by the second group of women (a total of 76 responses). For those women “economic wellbeing” could mean one of two things. First, the freedom to act and contribute whenever there was a need. Second, economic wellbeing was viewed as freedom from debt and reliance on outside sources of finance.
A third group of definitions focused on a “holistic view” of economic wellbeing. This view was not confined to the financial aspect of their wellbeing, but included other aspects such as their physical, spiritual, social and cultural wellbeing.
Thirty-six women perceived “economic wellbeing as financial “stability” and/or “security”. Women viewed it as a feeling or state of stability or security. Other saw it simply as “being happy” or “having a paid job”.
The findings of the study have several implications for policy development, service provision and for future research. Chapter 7 outlines the implications of the findings. The following include some of the key implications of the results.
• There is a need for future policy and services to take into account the diverse roles, contributions, priorities, values and contexts in which Pasifika women exist and operate. Pasifika women must be understood in terms of their roles as members of their families, extended families, churches and communities. The study implies that policy makers must have a sound understanding of Pasifika women’s families and how they operate within their families.
• Pasifika women’s roles in their extended families and churches would impact on their economic wellbeing. Policies aimed at increasing the number of Pasifika women in business should consider the whole family, as the support of the whole family is critical to the success of women in business.
• There is a need to develop a policy in increasing the number of Pasifika female doctors and lawyers. The research team definitely experienced difficulty in identifying Fijian, Tokelauan and Niue doctors and lawyers.
• Women’s definitions of “economic wellbeing” focused on their ability to meet the needs of their families. Future initiatives aimed at enhancing the economic wellbeing of Pasifika women should aim at the enhancement of their abilities to meet the needs of their families.
• Pasifika women should not be discriminated against because of their ethnicities. Pasifika women may be an asset to an organisation in terms of the multi-cultural and bi-cultural dimensions that they bring to the workplace.
• There is a need to design and implement targeted training programmes for Pasifika women who are recent migrants. These programmes should help women further develop English language skills and support them access their chosen professions.
• More work is required to raise awareness of business development programmes, and to support Pasifika women into self-employment. Information on how to set up and manage a business must be an integral part of such programmes.
• Another implication involves the need for Pasifika women to have access to information on education, job opportunities and self-employment. Additionally, since Pasifika women value their spiritual side, one place to offer information and training would be the church setting.
• Educational institutions aiming to increase the participation of Pasifika women must make themselves more accessible to the Pasifika communities and church groups. This will empower parents as well Pasifika women. If parents, husbands and other family members are actively involved, they would be in a much more informed position to support the education and training of Pasifika women.
The experiences of the research team and participants in the research processes have some important implications for future research involving Pasifika women. These implications include the following:
• Research involving Pasifika women or Pasifika peoples must be underpinned by Pacific theoretical frameworks for research and relevant approaches to ensure that the participants’ voices and experiences are heard and appropriately interpreted.
• There is definitely a need for the development of more Niue, Fijian and Tokelauan researchers. The present study has contributed to this goal in a small way, however, a concerted effort must be made by all team of Pasifika researchers to ensure that there are opportunities to development and build the capability of Pasifika researchers from these ethnic groups.
• Given the key issues and strategies that have been identified from this study, it is important to build up a picture of how frequently these occur in the responses of a larger sample of the six different ethnic groups. For instance, it would be of great value to investigate whether the differences between New Zealand born and Pacific born women are statistically significant. A modified version of the interview tool would be useful in a survey setting.
• The processes of luva (dissemination of the results) must be followed through to ensure that participants are kept informed about the outcomes of study. The goodwill shared by Pasifika women who took part in this study has strengthened the work of the research team. Thus, in order to maintain reciprocal relationships with Pasifika women and communities appropriate dissemination procedures will be put into place to allow the participants to have access to the results of this significant study.
1. INTRODUCTION
Background
During the past two decades, there has been a growing recognition in New Zealand of the need for more informed data on issues that impact on the lives of Pasifika people. The dearth of research data on economic issues impacting on Pasifika women provided one of rationale for the present study. This was highlighted at a Ministry of Women’s Affairs (MWA) consultation meeting with Pasifika women in 2001 (MWA, May 2003). As a result of that consultation it became evident that economic issues were a major concern for Pasifika women. The MWA then sought funding from the Cross Departmental Research Pool administered by the Ministry of Research, Science and Technology to fund a project entitled “Improving Pacific Women’s Economic Wellbeing”. This research project on Pasifika women’s economic wellbeing is the second stage of the MWA’s project entitled “Improving Pacific Women’s Economic Wellbeing”. The first stage of this project included a baseline paper or an annotated bibliography based on a review of the literature, which was conducted by Aolele Su’a Aloese (2003). The overall aim of both stages of the project is to support the economic development of Pasifika communities in an inclusive, innovative economy (MWA, May 2003). This study is a significant development as this is the first time that Pasifika women have been targeted for a specific study on their economic wellbeing. This final report presents the findings of the qualitative study on the strategies for Pasifika women’s economic wellbeing.
Definition of ‘Pasifika Women’
Various labels have been used in New Zealand to refer to Pacific peoples and their descendants. Over the years this group of the New Zealand population has been referred to as Polynesians, Islanders, Pacific Islanders, Pacific nations people, Pacific peoples and Pasifika peoples. In the context of this study, the term ‘Pasifika women’ is used to refer to women from the six largest Pacific groups in New Zealand. This includes Samoa, Cook Islands, Tonga, Niue, Fiji and Tokelau. Its use is not meant to imply any homogeneity among the ethnic groups and/or individuals within these groups. Thus, the focus of this study is limited to the Pasifika women within these six Pacific groups.
Research Objectives and Questions
Objectives
The objectives established for this qualitative study were to identify and describe:
• Pasifika women’s economic issues, strategies and priorities;
• Pasifika women’s own definitions of economic wellbeing;
• the underlying social and cultural forces that shape Pasifika women’s economic participation and decision-making;
• the systematic barriers and realities that may impede progress for Pasifika women in the labour market, from Pasifika women’s perspectives;
• the financial support and skills needed for self-employment, and the usefulness of existing programmes for business development and support; and
• issues, strategies and priorities for Pasifika women in balancing paid employment and family and community involvement.
Research Questions
The following are the major key research questions established for the study:
i. What are the current roles of Pasifika women in New Zealand and their economic contributions to the family and their own ethnic communities? Do these roles and expectations change over time/circumstances?
ii. How do Pasifika women decide on their financial priorities/the financial demands on them?
iii. What factors (eg. obligations, values, and status) influence Pasifika women’s decisions?
iv. What do Pasifika women see as barriers to employment, education and training, self-employment, and establishment of a small business?
v. What are the difficulties and successes Pasifika women experience in balancing paid employment, family and community work?
The above research objectives and questions formed the basis of the research questions used to gather information for this qualitative study.
Outcomes of the Research
The results of this study will be used to:
• propose solutions to enable Pasifika women to improve their economic position and that of their families
• provide evidence-based policy advice to improve labour market outcomes for Pasifika women, including self-employment
• inform various government strategies and policies around employment, workforce development, capacity building, business development and sustainable economic development
• inform policy development by government departments that impact on Pasifika women and their families.
The Research Team
The research team consisted of 12 Pasifika women researchers, and one Principal Researcher. Four researchers were based in Wellington, two in Hamilton and the remaining seven in Auckland. The team consisted of four Samoans, three Tongans, two Cook Islands, two Tokelauans, one Niue and one Fijian. All six Pacific ethnic groups targeted for this study were represented within this research team. This was to ensure that the language needs of the participants were catered for. Building the capacity of Pasifika women researchers was one of the important outcomes of this study.
Structure of the Report
This report is divided into seven chapters. This first chapter provides the background and objectives set out for this research project.
Chapter 2 discusses the methodology used for this qualitative study. In particular, it presents the Pacific theoretical frameworks that were employed to underpin the approaches used for the study, the methods used, and outlines some of the problems and difficulties encountered during the course of the study. This chapter ends with a summary of the key points and the implications of the research methodology for future research involving Pasifika women.
Chapter 3 presents and discusses the results on the roles and contributions made by the women to their families, extended families, churches, communities in New Zealand as well as in the Pacific nations and other overseas countries.
Chapter 4 reports on the findings on the women’s financial decisions, priorities, and needs.
Chapter 5 focuses on the results on access to employment, self-employment, education and training.
Chapter 6 presents the findings on Pasifika women’s definitions of “economic wellbeing”.
Chapter 7 summarises the key results and outlines their implications for policy development, service provision and future research.
Introduction
This qualitative study involved a team of 13 Pasifika women researchers undertaking a study that focused on Pasifika women. The design of the study involved five key phases. These include the following:
Phase 1: Setting-up Phase (Tivaevae)
Phase 2: Pilot Study (Toli)
Phase 3: Main Study (Toli)
Phase 4: Data Analysis and Report Writing (Tui)
Phase 5: Dissemination of Results (Luva)
This chapter discusses the research methodology. In particular, it covers the following:
• Theoretical frameworks (Section 2.2)
• Setting-up phase (Section 2.3)
• Pilot study (Section 2.4)
• Main study (Section 2.5)
• Profile of the participants (Section 2.6)
• Problems and difficulties encountered during this study (Section 2.7)
• Summary of key points and the implications for future research involving Pasifika women (Section 2.8).
Theoretical Frameworks
The research team is committed to conducting research that is empowering to Pasifika participants and communities. Thus, the research must be informed by Pacific theoretical frameworks and methodologies for research. Several theoretical frameworks for research were used to underpin this study. These include the following:
• Jean Mitaera’s concept of the “Researcher as the First Paradigm”
• Teremoana Maua-Hodges’ Tivaevae model
• Konai Helu Thaman’s metaphor of Kakala.
The Guidelines for Pacific research proposed by other Pasifika researchers were also taken into account in the development of the methodologies for this study. For instance, the research team utilised the “Guidelines on Pacific Health Research” (Health Research Council, 2003).
The Researcher as the First Paradigm
According to Jean Mitaera (1997), the researcher is the “first paradigm”. She or he needs to ask herself or himself the following questions:
What are my visions?
What are my principles?
What are my values?
What are my strategies?
According this view, the researcher takes herself or himself to the research process, her or his visions for the research, principles and values determine the way the research is undertaken. Thus, for this study, the basic guiding principles were:
• Collaboration
• Respect
• Empowerment
• Honesty
The researchers would work collaboratively to ensure that the objectives for the research are achieved. They would also show respect in all interactions with the participants, other researchers, community organisations, reference group members and other key stakeholders in this research. The methodology used for the study should empower the researchers to work with Pasifika women, who would then be empowered to share information on their experiences and ideas. The information that informs the research questions would be reported honestly, which would then be used by the Ministry of Women’s Affairs and other government agencies to develop policies and initiatives to address the needs of Pasifika women and that of their families.
Tivaevae Model
Teremoana Maua-Hodges’ tivaevae model provided a useful framework for the work of a team of Pasifika researchers. Teremoana Maua-Hodges (2000) uses that the processes followed by a group of Cook Islands women to make a tivaevae (Cook Islands patch-quilts) to demonstrate the processes used to conduct a research project, involving Pacific researchers. In making a tivaevae, one person has the design for the tivaevae and allocates the different roles and responsibilities to other women in the group. Each woman has specific tasks to accomplish. In this research, each member of the research team was allocated tasks, for instance, to facilitate a certain number of individual interviews and focus groups from a particular ethnic group. Once they completed those tasks, the researchers brought the data to the team, who worked together to analyse and prepare the data for the final report.
Metaphor of Kakala
The research team also took Konai Helu Thaman’s metaphor of “Kakala” whereby the processes involved in research are likened to the processes involved in the making of a “Kakala”. In the Tongan context, kakala refers to a royal garland, as well as the fragrant flowers used to make the garland. According to Konai, three key processes are involved in the making of Kakala. These processes include toli, tui and luva.
Toli – The gathering of kakala.
The first process involves the gathering of the kakala (flowers). The person who does the toli (gathering of flowers) needs to have the skills and expertise to select and gather the kakala. In this study, this will involve the researchers gathering and selecting the data, reviewing the data from focus groups and interviews, and preparation of data for analysis.
In order to toli (gather) the kakala (information) the person needs to possess certain skills and expertise in order to ensure that quality kakala is gathered. When a person is collecting the kakala, one is always thinking of the person for whom the kakala is being made for. In the context of this research, the kakala is being collected for the MWA, other government agencies, Pasifika women, the public and the research community.
Tui – The making or weaving of the kakala.
The second process involves the weaving together of the data that has been gathered (toli) into various kakala, depending on the person(s) to whom the kakala are being fashioned for. For instance, the main kakala would be the final report for the Ministry of Women Affairs. Another kakala will be the summary of key results for the Pasifika women who took part in this study. Each kakala will be woven taking into account the persons to whom the kakala is being made for.
Luva – The giving away of the kakala.
The third and final process is luva, that is, the giving away of the kakala. In this research, this final process would involve the presentation of the report to the MWA, and key findings to the participants in the research.
Setting Up Phase
The first phase of the project focused specifically on the development of the Research Plan and data collection tools, and the training of the researchers.
Blessing of the Research Project
One of the most significant events involved in the first phase was the blessing of the research project by a Pasifika woman church minister. Rev. Sui Va’aia Te’o accepted the invitation to bless the research project and the people who would be involved in the delivery of this significant research. This blessing took place at the Ministry of Women’s Affairs in August 2003, at the first meeting of the Reference Group and members of the research team. This first meeting of the Reference Group and some members of the research team set the foundation for a collaborative working relationship between the researchers and the Reference Group members.
First Training Meeting of the Researchers
The first meeting of the research team took place in Auckland on 1 November 2003. This meeting presented the opportunity for the first time for the research team to come together as a group and plan the work for this project. In line with the concept of the “researcher as the first paradigm” the Interview Schedules for the individual interviews and the focus groups were trialed with the researchers, before the Pilot Study.
Pilot Study
The Pilot Study took place between November 2003 and January 2004. The major purposes of the Pilot Study were to trial:
i. The Interview Schedule for the focus groups and individual interviews; and
ii. The methods and approaches for the focus groups and individual interviews.
In accordance with the view that the “Researcher is the First Paradigm”, a decision was made to include the researchers as participants in the Pilot Study. It was believed that what was appropriate for the researchers would also be appropriate for the participants. The Pilot Study consisted of a total sample of 23 participants. A sample of 12 participants took part in two focus groups whereas the remaining 11 participants were interviewed individually for the study.
Key Results of the Pilot Study
The key results of the Pilot Study included the following:
Research Methods
• A group of six participants proved to be a manageable and reasonable number for the focus group.
• Individual interview with in-depth probing was an appropriate method for collection of information from participants.
• Thorough preparation by researchers was essential for the effective implementation of the data collection procedures.
Research Questions
• Only one participant had difficulty with the order in which the questions were presented, suggesting that the majority of the participants easily understood the research questions.
• The use of the category “mother” could be misleading and did not guarantee that the participant selected was “not in paid employment”. Thus, a decision was made to change this category to “unemployed person”.
The results of the Pilot Study were used to inform the review of the Interview Schedules and approaches used for the Main Study. In particular, the Interview Schedules were reworded so that the research questions could be clearer. In addition, the number of research questions for the focus group was reduced to ensure that the focus group would not take more than two hours. Finally, the number of target participants for each focus group was reduced to a maximum of six participants and not 10 as originally proposed.
Main Study
Characteristics of the Participants
The research sample consisted of 230 Pasifika women ranging between the ages of 18 to 70 years. The sample included the 23 participants who took part in the Pilot Study. The depth of information collected for the Pilot Study led to a decision to include relevant data from the Pilot Study in the final analysis.
Ethnicities
Table 2.1 provides details of the distribution of the participants by ethnicities.
Table 2.1: Distribution of Participants by Ethnicities.
| Ethnic Group | Number of Participants | Percentage (%) |
|---|---|---|
| Samoa | 90 | 39.1 |
| Cook Islands | 49 | 21.3 |
| Tonga | 37 | 16.1 |
| Niue | 19 | 8.3 |
| Fiji | 16 | 7.0 |
| Tokelau | 14 | 6.1 |
| Mix | 5 | 2.2 |
| Total | 230 | 100 |
As shown in the above table the majority of the participants were made up of Samoan women (39%). About 21% were Cook Islands, 16% Tongans, about 8% Niue, 7% Fijians, and 6 % Tokelauans. The remaining 2% were made of participants who identified with more than one ethnic group.
Age
Table 2.2 provides more details of the distribution of the participants by age groups.
Table 2.2: Distribution of Participants by Age Groups.
|
Age Group(years) |
Number of Participants | Percentage |
| Under 20 | 2 | 0.9 |
| 20 - 29 | 49 | 21.3 |
| 30 - 39 | 65 | 28.2 |
| 40 - 49 | 50 | 26.1 |
| 50 - 59 | 43 | 18.7 |
| 60 - 69 | 7 | 3.1 |
| 70+ | 3 | 1.3 |
| No response | 1 | 0.4 |
| Total | 230 | 100.0 |
More than 28% of the participants were between the ages of 30 to 39 years. About 26% were between the ages of 40 and 49 years, another 21% were between 20 to 29 years. About 19% were between the ages of 50 and 59 years. A total of about 4% were 60 years and over whilst the remaining 1% was made up participants who were under 20 years or did not provide a response to this question.
Place of Birth and Years of Residence in New Zealand
The participants were made up of 169 participants (73.5%) who were born in the Pacific nations, 60 (26.1%) New Zealand born, and one participant who was born in Australia. New Zealand born were more likely to have lived in New Zealand between 20-40 years, and of Cook Islands and Tokelau descent. As reported in the Pacific Progress Report, the groups (Cook Islands, Tokelau and Niue) who have always had unrestricted rights of settlement in New Zealand had more opportunities to become more established in New Zealand (Ministry of Pacific Islands Affairs & Statistics New Zealand (2002, p.22). The Niue participants drawn for this study were more likely to have been born in Niue.
Table 2.3 provides details of the distribution of the participants’ number of years of residence in New Zealand.
Table 2.3: Distribution of Participants Number of Years of Residence in New Zealand.
| No of Years | No of Participants | Percentage |
|---|---|---|
| Under 5 | 10 | 4.4 |
| 5 - 10 | 21 | 9.1 |
| 11 - 20 | 54 | 23.5 |
| 21 - 30 | 71 | 30.9 |
| 31 - 40 | 44 | 19.1 |
| 41 - 50 | 19 | 8.3 |
| 51 + | 4 | 1.7 |
| No response | 7 | 3.0 |
| Total | 230 | 100.0 |
Fijian and Tongan participants were more likely to be represented in the group that had lived in New Zealand for less than 10 years. This is a reflection of their recent migration to New Zealand. The Samoan participants were more likely to be born in Samoa but have lived in New Zealand longer, that is, between 20 to 40 years.
Recruitment Procedures
The study was designed to use 10 employment settings as the basis for the recruitment of participants for the individual interviews. Each researcher was allocated the role to recruit participants from the 10 employment categories for the individual interviews. In addition, the researchers used their own community networks to target and recruit particular groups for the focus groups. The following were used to target a group of women for the focus groups:
• A group of university students
• A branch of P.A.C.I.F.I.C.A. Inc
• A group of young Pasifika women
• A group of mothers in an early childhood centre
• A group of New Zealand born mothers
Making Contacts with the Participants
Several Pasifika women were asked to assist the researchers to identify and make the initial contact with the participants. This was more so in areas outside of Auckland and Wellington.
The Focus Groups
Based on the outcomes of the Pilot Study, a decision was made to limit the number of participants in a focus group to 5 or 6 participants. As a consequence, the target numbers of focus groups was increased from 11 to 16. The following focus groups were conducted in the main study.
Table 2.4: Distribution of the Focus Groups by Ethnicity and Location
| Ethnicity | Location | No. of focus groups | No. of participants |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1.Cook Islands | Auckland | 2 | 12 |
| 2.Fiji | Auckland | - | - |
| 3.Niue | Auckland | 2 | 6 |
| 4.Samoa | Auckland | 3 | 18 |
| 5,Samoa | Wellington | 2 | 12 |
| 6.Tokelau | Wellington | 1 | 4 |
| 7.Tonga | Palmerston North | 1 | 6 |
| 8.Pan-Pacific | Hamilton | 1 | 4 |
| 9.Pan-Pacific | Tokoroa | 1 | 3 |
| 10.Pan-Pacific | Auckland | 1 | 6 |
| 11.Pan-Pacific | Wellington | 1 | 6 |
| 12.Pan-Pacific | Dunedin | 1 | 7 |
| Total | 16 | 84 |
A total of 16 focus groups (including 84 participants) were conducted for the study. Appendix C contains details of the research questions used in the focus groups.
The Niue and Tokelauan researchers had difficulty getting together a group of women at one time for a focus group. Thus, the Niue researcher had to undertake two focus groups with three participants at each focus group. In addition, the researcher had difficulty organising a group for Christchurch. Hence, individual interviews were undertaken in Christchurch instead of a focus group. Likewise, the focus group session with the Fijian participants did not take place, therefore, individual interviews were conducted with each participant.
The experiences in the focus group indicated that for some women it was the first time that they had the opportunity to sit down, reflect on their roles and economic contributions and share information about their own experiences. Some found the experiences of the focus group as good learning opportunities as well as opportunities to hear other women and the strategies that they had used to cope with the demands of their roles in their families, churches and communities. For some, there was satisfaction in the realisation that they were not alone in their financial struggles. Listening to the other women’s experiences motivated them to rethink their own strategies and to examine more closely their roles and economic contributions, particularly to their own extended families, church and communities. Similar experiences were found in a large number of individual interviews.
The Individual Interviews
Pasifika women from each of the following professions or employment settings were targeted and recruited for the individual interviews. Ten employment settings were selected to include a wide range of professions.
Table 2.5: Target Groups for Individual Interviews
| Profession/Employment status | No. of participants |
|---|---|
| Unemployed Mother | 12 |
| Minister's Wives | 12 |
| Labourers | 12 |
| Lawyers/Doctors | 12 |
| Accountants/Managers/Directors | 12 |
| Nurses/Nurse Aides | 12 |
| Self-employed Business Women | 12 |
| Secretary/Administrative Assistants | 12 |
| Teachers | 12 |
| Cleaners | 12 |
| Total | 120 |
Each researcher was asked to target one person from each of the above employment setting for an individual interview. The researchers used their own personal networks and those of other researchers to identify participants from each employment setting. Once a prospective participant was identified the researcher would introduce herself either via telephone or personal visit or at a community function such as church, a wedding or at a shopping centre. A time was then set for an interview. In general, the interview would follow the following format.
i. The researcher presented a copy of Participant Information Sheet (Appendix A) and Consent Form (Appendix B) to the participant. She then went on to explain the information on the Participant Information Sheet and the Consent Form, and gave the participant an opportunity to ask for any clarifications.
ii. A copy of the Profile Sheet and Interview Questions (Appendix D) were then presented to the participant. The researcher also explained the rationale for asking specific questions.
iii. Permission for the use of the tape recorder was then sought and obtained from the participant.
iv. Once the consent for the use of the tape recorder was obtained, the researcher emphasised the confidentiality of information collected for this study, before she proceeded to ask the first question.
v. At the conclusion of the interview the researcher reiterated the processes that would be used for the analysis of the information and the dissemination of the results.
vi. The researcher then thanked the participant for her contribution to the study and offered a meaalofa of $20, or a gift voucher depending on what the researcher felt was appropriate for each participant.
It should be noted that a few researchers decided to offer this meaalofa when she returns to inform them of the results of the study. In total 146 individual interviews were conducted. Although the researcher planned to interview a sample of 120 Pasifika women, a decision was made to increase the number of individual interviews when the focus groups failed to achieve the target number.
Each researcher transcribed the tapes from their individual interviews and focus groups and these transcripts were then submitted for analysis.
Data Analysis and Report Writing
The Interview and focus group transcripts were analysed initially through reading and re-reading of the data. Participants’ responses to each question were analysed separately first to identify some common themes and possible trends in the data. Themes that emerged from the data were identified. The data was then reviewed against these themes to ensure consistency. The data for each participant was then reflected upon as a whole to identify possible subgroups of participants. The data in the Samoan language was analysed initially in the Samoan language by the appropriate researcher, a summary of this analysis and an English translation of the data were then provided to the Principal Researcher for the final analysis and preparation of this report.
Various sections of transcripts from the interviews and quotes from various participants were selected and are used throughout this report to illustrate points of discussion. Moreover, the real names of the participants were not used in this report to ensure confidentiality of information. A decision was made to leave the ethnicity of the participants unchanged in the hope that cultural differences between Pacific cultural groups could be captured in the results. In cases where the participants could be easily identified a decision was made to replace the name of the ethnicity with the term Pacific. Place names were also changed to ensure the participants could not be identified from their responses.
Research Questions
It must be noted that not all the research questions used for the individual interviews were used in the focus groups. That is, questions A6, C1, C2, and C3 were not included in the Interview Schedule for the focus group. Thus, data reported on sections 3.7, 5.2 and 5.3 are based on the responses of 146 participants. The remaining results are based on the responses from the total sample of 230 participants.
Problems and Difficulties
The research team encountered several problems and difficulties during the three months of the main data collection phase. These included but were not limited to the following.
• Re-location by some researchers
• Difficulties in gathering people for a focus groups
• Difficulties encountered in the individual interviews.
Re-location by some Researchers
One Tongan researcher moved from Auckland to take up a job in Wellington and was no longer available to contribute to the study. This resulted in the Principal Researcher having to be much more involved in the data collection, particularly with Tongan participants. One Tokelauan researcher moved from Wellington to Auckland. Similarly, the second Tokelauan researcher also moved with her family to Auckland. This impacted on their availability to undertake the targeted number of interviews with Tokelauan women. Moreover, one Samoan researcher travelled overseas and could not continue with the Project.
Difficulties in Getting Women Together for Focus Groups
Whilst the majority of the researchers had no difficulty accessing and organising participants for focus groups, three researchers had some difficulty accessing women for their focus groups. As a result of these difficulties, the number of participants who took part in the focus groups (n=84) fell short of the targeted number. Thus, a decision was made to increase the number of individual interviews to make up for the insufficient number of participants from the focus groups. A total of 146 individual interviews were completed for this study.
Some Difficulties with Individual Interviews
The unavailability of a few researchers led to three other researchers having to move out of their ethnic groups to cover the Tongan, Fijian and Samoan participants. This also resulted in the data collection taking much longer than expected.
Despite these difficulties, the researchers found that they were indeed in a privileged position as Pasifika researchers, to have been given the opportunity to ask the research questions and receive the responses from a range of Pasifika women. Some of the responses were quite personal yet there was a willingness to share the information in the hope that their contributions could be useful to the work of the Ministry of Women’s Affairs and other government agencies. For some participants, this project was seen as a continuation of the work that was paved by Pasifika women in the past decades. Their contributions to this study could be used to build on the work of women in the past, in setting the foundation in place for the future development of Pasifika women in Aotearoa/New Zealand.
Key Points Relating to the Methodology
The experiences of the research team and participants in the study have some important implications for future research involving Pasifika women. These include the following:
• Research involving Pasifika women or Pasifika peoples must be underpinned by Pacific theoretical frameworks for research and relevant approaches to ensure that the participants’ voices and experiences are heard and appropriately interpreted.
• There is a need for the development of more Niue, Fijian and Tokelauan researchers. The present study has contributed to this goal in a small way, however, a concerted effort must be made by all team of Pasifika researchers to ensure that there are opportunities to develop and build the capability of Pasifika researchers from these ethnic groups.
• The processes used to have the Reference Group to provide advice and input throughout all phases of this study proved to be an effective collaborative process for the work of this team of Pasifika researchers. This model could be used for future research involving Pasifika women and/or Pasifika people.
• In order to provide depth of information from a focus group, the number of research questions and participants must be carefully considered. The experiences of this study suggest that six would be a reasonable number for an effective focus group.
• The processes of luva (dissemination of the results) must be followed through to ensure that participants are kept informed about the outcomes of study. The goodwill shared by Pasifika women who took part in this study has strengthened the work of the research team. Thus, in order to maintain reciprocal relationships with the Pasifika women and communities appropriate dissemination procedures will be put in place to allow the participants to have access to the results of this significant study.
3. PASIFIKA WOMEN’S ROLES AND ECONOMIC CONTRIBUTIONS
Introduction
This chapter presents the findings on the roles and the economic contributions made by Pasifika women. This chapter begins with a brief outline of the Tongan family structure and relationships. The findings are then presented and discussed under eight sections.
• Tongan family structure (Section 3.2)
• Multiple roles of Pasifika women (Section 3.3)
• Economic contribution to family and extended family (Section 3.4)
• Economic contributions to families in the Pacific nations (Section 3.5)
• Economic contributions to communities in New Zealand (Section 3.6)
• Economic contributions to communities in the Pacific nations and other countries (Section 3.7)
• Changes in women’s roles and the impact of those changes on their economic contributions (Section 3.8)
• Key points relating to women’s roles and economic contributions (Section 3.9)
Tongan Family Structure
The present study has focused on one aspect of Pasifika Women’s lives, that is, their economic wellbeing. However, Pasifika women do not exist in isolation from their families and communities. Thus, in order to provide some context from which to understand the findings of this study, a brief outline of the Tongan family and relationships are presented in this section. The views expressed in this section are based on the Principal Researcher’s experiences as a Tongan. It should be pointed out that the information on the Tongan family cannot be generalised to other Pacific cultures and their concepts of family.
The Tongan family is an extended family (kainga). It is made up of the tamai (father and father’s brothers), fa‘e (mother and mother’s sisters), kui (grandparents), mehikitanga (father’s sister), fa‘etangata (mother’s brother), ‘ofefine (daughter), foha (son), tokoua (sisters, brothers, or cousins), and other members of the extended family. It is beyond the scope of this section to describe each of the roles and its associated responsibilities, rather the emphasis is on the role of the tamai (father and father’s brother) and fa‘etangata (mother’s bother), and key roles of women within the extended family.
Tamai
The tamai (father) is also the term used to refer to his brother(s) and male cousins. In the New Zealand context the father’s brother is referred to as uncle. In the Tongan family the father’s brother can assume the roles and responsibilities of the father to his children and grandchildren. For instance, if a woman is getting married and her father has passed away or for some reason, unable to attend, the most appropriate person to carry out the roles of her father is her father’s brother.
Mehekitanga
Mehekitanga is the father’s sister(s). In the Tongan family, females are ranked higher than males and older siblings higher than younger ones. This means that a mehekitanga (father’s sister) occupies the most privileged position (‘eiki) within the extended family. She and her children are said to be fahu or of a higher rank to her brothers and their children. She is treated with special respect by her brothers and their children. The mehekitanga has the authority to make decisions and influences the conduct of certain traditional rituals associated with life events such as birth, marriage, and death. For instance, the mehekitanga may be asked to name her brother’s first born child, or offered the top tier of a cake at her niece’s or nephew’s 21st birthday. Some of her decisions in the extended family may include assigning tasks for the women’s contributions to a wedding or a funeral.
Fa‘e
The fa‘e (mother) is also the term used to refer to the mother’s sister as well as her female cousins. In the New Zealand context the mother’s sister is referred to as an aunty. Similarly, the father’s sister is referred to as aunty. In the Tongan family the mehekitanga (father’s sister) and the fa‘e (mother’s sisters) have different roles and responsibilities. For example, whilst a mehikitanga will be acknowledged and presented with the top tier of her niece’s or nephew’s 21st birthday cake, it is the fa‘e’s responsibility to prepare the cake, mats, tapa and any other goods that go with such a special presentation. Because of her fahu status, a person’s mehekitanga has a higher rank in comparison to a person’s fa‘e. In this example, the mehikitanga does not make significant economic contribution to the 21st birthday, for it is her turn to be acknowledged and to receive gifts. On the other hand the fa‘e and her family make significant economic contributions towards mats, tapa cloth and gifts for presentations, which are key elements of a birthday celebration.
One of the main roles of the fa‘e is to nurture and to look after her children. It should be noted that whilst a fa‘e may be the mother in her own family and at the same time she may also be the mehikitanga for her brother’s family. Women play different roles and may make different economic contributions in different situations, depending on their roles within each situation.
Fa‘e Tangata
The fa‘e tangata (mother’s brother) is the lowest rank person in the Tongan family. He is considered to be a tu‘a (common or lowly ranked) to his sisters and their children. In the New Zealand context, the fa‘e tangata and tamai (father’s brother) are both referred to as uncles. In the Tongan family the fa‘e tangata and the tamai (father’s brother) assumes different roles and responsibilities. Whereas the father’s brother can assume the role of the father in his absence, a fa‘e tangata cannot assume the role of the father as he is considered of lower rank to his nieces and nephews. For instance, on a person’s wedding day, the fa‘e tangata would be considered the person who has the responsibility of making sure that the umu (ie. hangi in Maori) is cooked. The tamai (father’s brother) makes decisions about the reception, the amount of food that is required, or the person who makes the first speech at the reception.
‘Ofefine and Tuofefine
The ‘ofefine (daughter) has a particular role to play within the family not only as a daughter but a tuofefine (sister) to her brothers and sisters. Whilst there are distinct roles and responsibilities played by a daughter and son within the family, both are expected to support the parents in their decisions and to contribute to the welfare of the family.
Maintaining Harmonious Relationship
In a Tongan family, a person is born to perform certain fatongia (responsibilities/obligations). That is a person has certain fatongia to her or his family, church, village or nation. Certain values govern the way Tongans fulfil these fatongia. These include but are not limited to faka‘apa‘apa (respect), ‘ofa (compassion), ‘ofa famili (love of family, kinship ties), fetokoni‘aki (sharing), foaki (giving), and tauhi vaha‘a (maintaining reciprocal relationships).
In describing the notion of tauhi vaha‘a or tauhi va, Thaman (2002) suggested that it literally means nurturing and/or protecting the spaces between two or more persons or among groups who are related in some way. It is about maintaining reciprocal relationships or harmonious relationships as Thaman (2002) puts it.
Kinship ties and relationships are the bases for the activities of most people together with those related to the wider society and other social institutions such as church, the school, village, and other community groups.
Multiple Roles of Pasifika Women
Although the women’s employment situations were used as the key selection criteria for their inclusion in the study, the results suggest that their diverse roles within their families and communities determine to a large extent their economic contributions. The results revealed that Pasifika women had a variety of roles and responsibilities to their families, extended families, church and communities in New Zealand as well as in the Pacific nations. It should be noted that whilst some participants also reported former roles that they played, the analysis focused on their existing roles at the time of data collection. The existing roles reported by the participants may be classified into five main groups:
• Roles as members of the families and extended families
• Roles in their churches
• Roles in the communities
• Roles relating to education and training
• Roles relating to their employment.
Women shared roles that may fall within more than one of the above categories. Selected quotes from the focus group sessions and individual interviews are presented throughout this chapter to illustrate the key points of discussion.
Roles as members of their families and extended families
All women described their roles as members of their families and extended families. For instance, being a mother, daughter, wife, sister, cousin, aunty, grandmother, niece, grand daughter, and a family elder. Other women reported their roles as counsellors, advisers to other family members and being the key person responsible for the family communications. Some women went as far as to report chores that they normally undertake within their families. These may include being a cleaner or a cook. The following lists these roles together with the numbers of participants who mentioned a particular role:
• Daughter (112)
• Wife (111)
• Mother (100)
• Sister (25)
• Niece (19)
• Grandmother (17)
• Auntie (7)
• Single Parent (7)
• Mother-in-law (6)
• Daughter-in-law ( 6)
• Grand daughter (5)
The participants were more likely to refer to their roles as a daughter, wife and mother. It is possible that the tendency to mention being a ‘daughter’, ‘wife’ or ‘mother’ was influenced by the main role(s) that the participants played at the time of the data collection. It was common for a person to introduce herself as a ‘daughter of her father’. For example, Participant 3 responded to the question in this way:
I am an eldest daughter of a lay preacher. I am a wife and a mother of one child. I am an auntie and a coordinator for a health promotion programme. I am also a part-time student at university studying towards a business management degree. Likewise, Participant 51 responded: I am a daughter of a senior pastor. I am in full-time employment and Sunday school teacher.
Others referred to their role as a wife and mother. For instance, Participant 52 explained her roles in this manner:
First of all I am a devoted wife, nurturing mother, university student and a secondary provider of income to supplement my husband’s income…”
Whilst the above roles refer to well defined roles within a family/extended family, other participants also reported specific responsibilities for the family and extended family. These included the following:
• Caregiver to their parents or grandparents and/or babysitters (38)
• Home finance manager or budget advisor (18)
• Provider of housing, shelter, clothing and welfare (13)
• An advisor to family members (11)
• Coordinator of family activities and/or person who brings the family together (10)
• Main income earner (4)
• Children’s supporter (2)
• Princess (1)
The above lists reveal the significant roles undertaken by women as caregivers of parents, grandparents, children and other family members. As Participant FG17 explained:
I am the second eldest in a family of 10 children. There are nine girls and only one brother. He is the girl and we are the boys, serving the brother. We are spread around the world, some in America, some in Australia, some in New Zealand and some in our Pacific nation. I came here because I had a cousin who is married here…I am married and have two teenage children, one boy and one girl. Both are at High School and that is my main focus is to educate the children and play my role as a mother of the family very well. I am a caregiver and a Provider for the family [Participant FG17].
Another participant, Participant 51 said:
I am a sister and auntie to my sister and niece who live with us. I’m also a solo mother and I am both a mother and father to my son. I’m also his nurse and taxi driver. In my extended family I am a daughter, sister, auntie and cousin. My brother also lives with us and I am his caregiver [Participant 51].
Likewise, Participant 141 described her role as a caregiver to her father. As she responded:
I’m a daughter and aunty. I’m a caregiver for my father. I provide transport support also for my dad and sometimes kids from church. I study at the Institute and work full-time on the 3pm11pm shift. I’m a second counselor in the relief society programmer for the women of my ward in my church and I also teach the 11 to 17 year old youth. I’m a enrichment leader for our church and once a month I organise home making activities for the women to improve their home making skills. There was evidence to suggest that a few women change their working hours to suit their role as a “caregiver”. As Participant 94 said: I have became a grandmother of four, I’ve changed from working day shifts to working the night shift and I’m a caregiver for my grandchildren while both their parents work during the day.
A total of 21 participants described their roles as advisors and coordinators of extended family activities. The data showed that these women held extended families together through organisations and coordinating of family activities. In addition, they were key decision-makers, counsellors, advisors and problem solvers. The interview with Participant 20 may be used to illustrate these diverse roles:
I am a wife, mother, daughter to my parents and a sister. These roles have a significant impact on my economic wellbeing. I buy for my husband, provide for my family and also look after the welfare of my kids – their clothes and school activities. As the eldest daughter I am always expected to be the person who has the last say. This is an important role and my sisters and brother understand this role. I have inherited a leadership role and responsibility in my family. Although I was brought up in New Zealand my parents ensured that we understood the protocols of caring and sharing. My role in my extended family is also seen as the person to co-ordinate family events. This is because of my role as the eldest daughter in the family and also my dad being a high chief. All of these roles are inherited because of dad’s status in the family. [Participant 20]
Like Participant 20, seventeen participants indicated that they were the ‘eldest daughter’ in their families. Participants in this group were drawn from the Samoan, Tongan, Niue, Cook Islands. In addition to assuming a leadership role, Participants in this group also assumed responsibilities as the main income earner, particularly when their parents needed the support. The response from a twenty-three year old Tongan university student may illustrate this:
In my family I have the role of being the eldest daughter of six children. Both my parents are on an unemployment benefit. I being the eldest daughter, believe that I have a major role of being the main income earner, helping my parents to meet basic needs, paying bills and also with the contributions to the church. I am also a grand-daughter of a retired president of our church, which is one of the reasons why the church is important to us. [Participant 98]
Roles in their churches
About 66 % (ie. 152 of 230) of the participants reported various roles within their churches, whilst the remaining 34% did not specify a particular role. It is possible that those who did not specify a role in the church did not have major roles to play in the administration of various groups within the churches. Alternatively they might not have belonged to a church. The women’s roles in the churches included the following:
• Member of a church (33)
• Member of the women’s groups/fellowship (28)
• Sunday school teacher (24)
• Member of the church choir (19)
• Board member, treasurer, secretary (18)
• Youth group member (15)
• Member of a prayer group or ministry group who visit the sick (13)
• Ministers’ wife (11)
• Leader of women’s group/youth group (10)
• Church helper (4)
• Deacon/minister (3)
• Secretary for the women’s group (2)
In describing her roles, Participant FG 16 explained:
I am a daughter. I come from a family of five and I am also a wife. I am a member in a church and a singer too. My family and I sing in the church whenever they need it. I am a member of our Tongan community, and a former secretary in our Tongan’s women’s group. I am still a member of the women’s group. I work as a caregiver to help the elderly people. That is my favourite role because I love helping the older people. [Participant FG 16]
Like Participant FG 16, Participant 30 had multiple roles in her church. As she said:
I am the eldest daughter and a sister. In our church, I am the choir conductor, assistant treasurer, secretary for the youth group, a member of the youth group, a lay preacher, and treasurer for the women’s group. I work as a caregiver for people with mental incapacities. [Participant 30]
Unlike the above respondents, the results also revealed that some participants did not have a role in the church or community. As Participant 16 explained:
I am a New Zealand born. I am now 25 years of age. I am a daughter and a sister. My father and mother separated when I was about 6 years old and my father brought me up. I am now married, so I am a wife. My husband comes from an African nation. I am a mother of two children. I am an auntie. I do not have any role in the church or community. [Participant 16]
Likewise, Participant FG 56:
Mother to my children and a partner to my children’s father. I am a daughter to my parent and I belong to my parents’ extended family. I rarely go to church and do not belong to any community groups, except my sport club.
Whilst the majority of the participants had very active roles in the extended family, church and communities, a few women did not play an active role in the church or community groups.
Roles in the communities
The results also revealed various roles within the communities. The participants’ responses include the following:
• Member of a women’s organisation (22)
• Community leader, supporter and/or developer (15)
• Member of a professional association, for example, a Nurses Association, an Early childhood Association or Law Centre (11)
• Member of a sport’s club (10)
• Member of school board of trustees (7)
• Dance tutor or member of a cultural performance group (5)
• Parent Teachers Association (5)
• Tutor at a homework centre and student mentor (4)
• Member of a Pacific committee or advisory group (4)
• Board member or company director (4)
• Radio presenter (2)
• Member of a parents help group (1)
• Member of a political party (1)
As shown above some Pasifika women played various roles within the communities. The responses from Participants 31 and Participant 80 may be used to illustrate the roles within their communities.
I am a housewife, which is a very demanding role. I have three children, one attending university, one at polytech, and one at primary school. I drive them to their separate schools and then drop off my husband to work, a role I play everyday. I work four days a week as a midwife. I am a choirmaster, which is a Sunday role. I’m president of the nurses association. From time to time I look after people from my country or other Pacific countries, in my home. I feed them and transport them wherever they need to go, whether it is Rotorua, Hamilton, Auckland or Wellington. [Participant 31]
Whilst the above roles appear to focus on Participant 31’s own Pacific ethnic group and other Pacific groups, Participant 80’s roles extend to the wider community. In addition to her roles within her families, Participant 80 also had roles within the churches and the community. As she explained:
My husband and I co-ordinate the distribution of the food and items donated by the community. These items are distributed depending on the needs of the families in the community. We also deal with referrals from the advisers at the Citizen’s Advice Bureau…[Participant 80].
Roles related to education and training
Forty-two out of 230 women (ie. 18%) reported being either a full-time or part-time student at a University or a Polytechnic. In examining the data for participants who were involved in full-time or part-time study, it became evident that those who undertook part-time study also had various other roles to play. For instance, Participant 9 reported:
I am a daughter, second eldest in my family. I am a mother of two children, ages 5 and 6 years. I am a wife and had been married for ten years. I am also an university student studying part-time for my masters. I am assisting in the ministry for women and children. I am a Sunday school teacher for children ages between 0 and 8 years. I support the children’s club, called “Adventures”, for children between the ages of 5 to 9 years. In the community, I am actively involved in my children’s school and I am a member of the Parents Teachers Association (PTA). In my nursing role I sit in the Advisory Committee for the local Polytechnic. I am the New Zealand Nurses Organisation representative for our Pacific nurses association. I am the national secretary for our Pacific nurses association. I have been appointed as a Pacific member for the board of a health care organisation. [Participant 9]
Unlike Participant 9, who was a part-time student, Participant FG 44 was full-time graduate student. She responded:
First of all I’m a daughter, I am the second eldest in my family. I have an elder sister so there is not that much expectation of me. But as a graduate student comes much expectation from my extended family, I am a niece and a cousin. I am a lay preacher in the church. In the community, I help out in the homework centre as a tutor and I am also a voluntary caseworker at the community law centre. I have now taken up professional studies as a postgraduate law student. Part of my role as a law student is that I am expected to draft out letters for the church and give informal assistance as an interpreter and support to church members who may need such assistance. [Participant FG 44]
Both Participants 9 and FG 44 represent a group of Pasifika women in tertiary education who also had multiple roles to play within their respective churches, profession and communities. The responses given by Participants FG 44 illustrate important roles played by Pasifika graduates. Drafting out letters and acting as interpreters for church members and people in their communities are services often performed by Pasifika graduates to meet the needs of people who speak English as their second language.
Roles related to employment
Women also referred to their employment and job titles as they discussed their diverse roles. About 81 % of the participants were in paid employment. Some of these women were the main income earners. For example, Participant 83 explained:
I consider my family to be my mother, my husband, my children and my brothers. I have no sisters. My extended family are my brothers and their families and my husband’s family. I am the eldest of my parent’s children therefore have the demands and expectations to meet in a typical Pacific way. In my role as a wife and the mother, I am the breadwinner for the family as my husband has a disability and is unable to receive an income. I cannot receive any assistance from the Government because of the level of my income. My children are a great asset to me as they help financially towards our costs of living and we manage comfortably. As an only daughter, I love to support my mother who is currently in a rest home, although it is not my choice. I respect my mother’s wishes to maintain her independence and lives how she wishes. My support is to make her happy. I have been active in my church all my life and over the years have held many positions from Sunday school teacher, youth leader, pianist/organist, board of trustees, and women’s fellowship. [Participant 83]
Discussions
The above results illustrate the diversity and multiple roles played by Pasifika women within their families, church and communities. In addition to these multiple roles, 81 % of the women were also income earners for their families, undertaking jobs in a range of employment settings. Furthermore, about 18% of the women were also undertaking further education. Women’s multiple roles and responsibilities were closely associated with their economic contributions. The next section presents the findings on women’s economic contributions.
Economic Contributions to Family and Extended Family
Of the 146 participants who took part in the individual interviews 113 (ie. about 81%) were in paid employment and therefore were in a position to make financial contribution to the families. Both participants in the focus groups and individual interviews were asked to explain the nature of their financial contributions to their families and extended families.
Economic contributions to family
Women were major contributors to the family economics. They had responsibilities for the payments of families’ living expenses. The following list the major groups of responses and the number of participants that mentioned a particular group.
• Payment of mortgage or rent (84)
• Children’s educational needs, for example, books and school fees (76)
• Pay bills, for example, electricity account, telephones and rates (55)
• Children’s needs, for example, clothes and birthday presents (40)
• Contribution to the church (32)
• Vehicle maintenance and petrol (22)
• Food and groceries (13)
• Medical expenses (9)
• Childcare (7)
• Provide food to be taken when visiting sick family members (4)
• Contribution to sister’s expenses (3)
• Household furniture (2)
• Cooking and preparation of food to be sold (2)
• Family holidays (2)
• Other families needs, for example, pay a person to look after the house (10)
Payment of mortgages or rent
The majority of the women contributed regularly to the payment of the mortgage or rent. For example, Participant 12 explained:
I have recently taken over the mortgage payments for my parents’ house. That would be my largest economic contribution. I give money to my extended family when it is required, for example, funerals, weddings, and birthdays. I help out my sisters and brothers when they ask for help, which is quite often. I also pay money to my niece for babysitting my son. [Participant 12]
Thirty-six out of the 90 Samoans in the study made regular payments of the mortgage or rent. This was followed by the Cook Islands (17 out 49), Niue participants (12 out of 19), Tongans (8 out of 37), Fijians (6 out of 16) and then Tokelauan (5 out of 14).
Fifty-six participants saw the payment of the mortgage or rent as their number one priority.
Contribution to children’s needs
The second most frequently cited group of responses given by 76 participants was related to the contributions to meeting the needs of their children. Another 40 participants also suggested contributions to children’s clothing and birthdays. A further seven participants reported contributions to payment of childcare services. Children’s needs were important in relation to other living expenses. Solo mothers and parents with young children prioritised their children’s needs.
Other household’s expenses
Women also contributed to other household expenses. This included payment for the maintenance of the family vehicles and petrol, food and groceries, medical expenses, household furniture, family holidays and other families’ needs. A total of about 48 responses are grouped into this category.
Contribution to other family members
There was some evidence that women contributed to the expenses for other family members. This included the payment of a sister’s expenses and provision of food for sick family members.
Taking together the above findings, it is evident that provision for housing and children’s needs were the two areas that Pasifika women contributed to. This was followed by other family or household’s expenditures.
Economic contribution to extended family
Of those who were not in paid employment, 21 participants reported that they had either no contribution or little economic contribution to their family or extended family. Six out of the 21 suggested that they did not make any financial contribution to their extended families. A few suggested that household chores were their contribution to their families. It is important to note that although some women were not in paid employment they still contributed to their extended families. The results also revealed the following economic contributions to the extended family. Again, the number of participants who gave a particular group of responses is provided.
• Financial contribution to family funerals, weddings, celebrations and sickness (101)
• Contribution to family members who visit from the Pacific, for example, airfares and accommodation (62)
• Lend money and financial contribution to other family members (48)
• Food for family functions (33)
• Contribute to the family fa’alavelave (20)
• Contribution to husband’s families (14)
• Presents for special occasions such as birthdays and Christmas (13)
• Supporting other family members for their church contributions (11)
• Support family by providing food or clothing (10)
• Money for parent’s sister’s and/or brothers (6)
• Caring for nieces and nephews whilst parent work or study (4)
• Providing transport for other family members (2)
• Sponsorship of relatives from the Pacific (2)
• Family trust account (1)
Contribution to family funerals, weddings, celebrations and sickness
The results indicate that the main forms of economic contribution to the extended families were made through the family funerals, weddings, birthdays and/or ill health. About 44% (101 out of 230) of participants gave responses that were classified in this group. Given that about 39 % of the participants were Samoan women, it is not surprising that at least 20 participants talked about contribution to the family fa’alavelave. A fa’alavelave is defined in the Samoan dictionary as: “anything which interferes with normal life and calls for special activity…A wide range of events, ranging from a wedding to a canoe lost at sea is covered by this concept.” (Milner, 1993, p.103).
Whilst the majority of the economic contributions could be considered as financial contributions, other contributions of food, clothing, transport and/or time were also considered an economic contribution. Income did not equate to their economic contributions. Their roles within the families and cultural upbringing were two important factors that determined women’s economic contributions.
Contribution to family members who visit from the Pacific nations
Sixty-two respondents reported supporting family members through the provision of accommodation and airfares. In addition, two participants suggested that they sponsored their relatives to visit New Zealand. It is possible that more than two respondents had sponsored family members to visit New Zealand. Given that immigration issues affected the lives of Samoan, Tongans and Fijians, but not the people of the Cook Islands, Tokelau and Niue, this may explain the lower number of participants who reported sponsoring family members from the Pacific. The results provide some insights into the common practice of sponsorships of family members to visit and ensuring that their needs were well provided for. Although the Cook Islands, Tokelau and Niue were not affected by the immigration matters, they too still contributed to the provision of airfares and accommodation for family members visiting from the Pacific nations.
Contribution to other family members’ church activities
Eleven participants suggested that they helped other family members with their church activities. The response by Participant FG 33 clearly demonstrates this:
I don’t belong to any church, but my extended family belongs to a church and whatever they do they ask, and we give it. That’s my contribution. Number one is myself and my children, but I also contribute to my village fundraising activities. Even though I do not belong to any church, I still give the money whenever someone comes from our village to collect money. [Participant FG 33].
A few participants did not contribute to the extended family. As an example, Participant 121 did not encourage keeping the links with the extended family members. As she explained:
I don’t encourage the extended family linkages for I want to concentrate on the upbringing of my young family members. However, when my mother contacted me for support I always sent her money. [Participant 121].
Although the results provide insights into the types of family activities and occasions that Pasifika women contributed to, the majority of the respondents did not specify the actual amount of the money donated to family members. A few participants articulated the amount of money that they contributed to extended family activities and celebrations.
Economic Contributions to Families in the Pacific Nations
The results show that 32 out of 230 (ie. about 14%) did not contribute to their families in the Pacific nations. The remaining 86% made various forms of economic contributions to their families in the Pacific. The following lists the key findings on the respondents’ contribution to family members in the Pacific nations. These include but were not limited to the following:
• Financial contribution to extended family expenses, for example, bills, schools fees (82)
• Funerals, weddings and family projects (56)
• Contribution to church activities, white Sundays, birthdays or Christmas (47)
• Contribution of food, furniture, clothes, books and vehicles (28)
• Contribution to travel expenses and gift of money when arrived in New Zealand (17)
• Contribution in her capacity as a matai or wife of a matai (13)
• Contribute through the parents, particularly the mother (12)
• Cyclone relief (10)
• Construction of a family house (5)
• Medical expenses (3)
• No contribution (32)
Contributions to extended family living expenses
Women’s main economic contributions were made towards family members’ living expenses. This was followed by contributions to other family functions. Such contributions would be made in response to requests from family members in the Pacific. As Participant 3 explicated,
I have lots of relatives overseas and they always ask for help. We give money, gifts, and food to take over. If they find out that someone would be returning back to the islands they would contact us to ask whether we could send certain items.
Several factors appear to impact on Pasifika women’s economic contributions to family members in the Pacific nations. One group of participants makes significant contributions because their parents and other members of the extended families were in the Pacific. Sharing resources, money and material possessions with other members of the family is part of their cultural make-up. For example, Participant FG17 said:
For my extended families, if there are funerals we contribute, and that is our culture. Our support is targeted not just to our family members, but also to our extended family. This is particularly the case if there was a funeral or a wedding, and if they ask for support. We support two families, my own and my husband’s family, by attending funerals and weddings in the Pacific.
Thus, support is not restricted to the provision of money and other resources but also through their presence and attendance at funerals and weddings. Married women made contributions to their parents’ families as well as their husbands’ extended families.
Other responses suggest that there was an expectation that people in New Zealand were better off than those in the Pacific. This is evident in Participant 15’s description of her contribution to families in the Pacific.
We always send money to our family back in the Pacific. We always help when they need our support. I think that that is part of us that we cannot get away from. We are always helping. They [families in the Pacific] always look up to us, we are here in New Zealand, we work, and we have everything.
For participants who no longer have family members in the Pacific most of the contributions were restricted to family members in New Zealand. For example, Participant FG76 responded:
My parents now live in New Zealand, therefore, I rarely contribute to families in the Pacific. I contribute to my child’s early childhood centre. I contribute when they have fundraising activities. Except for the annual offering, I do not contribute much to the church. I believe that my children’s needs are far more important, and that is my priority. [Participant FG76]
Whilst the majority of the respondents maintain
