Pathways to recovery – Part 5

Authors: Venezia Kingi and Jan Jordan with Tess Moeke-Maxwell and Peggy Fairbairn-Dunlop

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This document is made up of five parts.

Contents

10       Experiences of Māori victim/survivors
10.1    Introduction
10.2    The experience of sexual violence
10.3    Reporting sexual violence to the police
10.4    Giving a formal interview
10.5    Forensic medical examination
10.6    Going to court
10.7    Support and assistance
10.8    Impact of sexual assault
10.9    Māori healing and recovery
10.10  Summary

11       Summary of findings and conclusions
11.1    Introduction
11.2    Victim/survivors involvement with the criminal justice system
11.3    Victim/survivors’ access to support systems
11.4    Victim/survivors’ views on healing and recovery
11.5    Māori victim/survivors
11.6    Conclusion

10    Experiences of Māori victim/survivors

10.1    Introduction

Māori have been found to experience sexual violence at up to twice the rate of other women in New Zealand (Mayhew and Reilly, 2007). It is, therefore, essential to understand better the characteristics and needs of Māori victim/survivors. This is difficult when the research findings presented in this report so far have been based on the entire sample of victim/survivors. For this reason, we have extracted the data for the 17 Māori victim/survivors who were interviewed as the result of a dedicated recruitment strategy and the four Māori victim/survivors who returned the self-complete survey.

This section presents Māori victim/survivors’ experiences of sexual violation and healing and explores what helped or hindered their recovery. Their experiences of engaging with formal and informal support systems are also presented.

As will be seen, many of the findings below mirror those already presented in this report. It is important to remember that samples described are not representative of Māori victim/survivors or of te ao Māori (Māori world view) or how Māori live in the world today. Therefore, the findings cannot be generalised to all Māori victim/survivors of sexual violence. Of particular relevance to the composition of the Māori sample was the lack of involvement of kaupapa Māori specialist service providers in recruitment.

The research methodology and narrow time-frames for this study did not reflect an indigenous (kaupapa Māori) approach to designing and conducting the research. 

A kaupapa Māori approach places an emphasis on collaborating with indigenous communities to design and implement research that is informed by the philosophy and tikanga (values, beliefs and practices) of iwi, hapū and whānau. This study was generally unable to provide an opportunity to establish and develop strong linkages with kaupapa Māori services and women who access those services. This resulted in only four women being recruited through these services. Further, only a small number of kaupapa Māori services provide specialist sexual violation support to women and their whānau and, when this study took place, their resources were prioritised towards other sexual violation research initiatives.

Most of the 17 Māori interviewees were recruited through Māori counselling networks, Māori women’s refuges, Māori health networks, Māori and non-Māori ACC counsellors, and/or through whānau referral processes. Recruitment was undertaken initially through telephone contact or in some cases through kanohi ki te kanohi (face-to-face) engagement with health professionals.

10.2    The experience of sexual violence

All Māori in our sample had experienced sexual violence before the assault focused on in this study. Over half identified they had been abused on more than one occasion and nearly half identified more than one offender in relation to the current assault. Twelve out of the 21 Māori participants reported that their perpetrator had been an ex-partner (n=2), current partner (n=5), or whānau or family member (n=5), which, as discussed in chapter 3, reflects the high presence of ‘family violence’ in this research sample. Of these 12, 60 percent had been subjected to multiple incidents of sexual violation. Victim/survivors were not specifically asked whether they had experienced childhood sexual abuse, but around one-third of the Māori victim/survivors disclosed such experiences.

First disclosures for this sample of Māori were more likely to be to friends and were influenced by victim/survivors seeking help for serious mental health issues (suicidal ideation and anxiety). Seeking treatment for medical injuries and legal support were also common reasons for disclosure.

Initial support received was generally, but not always, helpful. One person suffering from suicidal ideation disclosed to a counsellor who provided her with an ‘emergency appointment’, but did not refer her to another counsellor while they were away. A further person said the counsellor, ‘Gave personal opinions [and] was yawning during [the] session’. This process was called ‘whakaiti’ (belittling). Some victim/survivors required additional support, including information about how to access counselling, or longer counselling sessions.

10.3    Reporting sexual violence to the police

Less than half of the Māori sample reported what had happened to the police (9 out of 21). This is not surprising given that the New Zealand criminal justice system is based on a British model of criminal justice whose design and processes may be viewed as monocultural and individualistic. The lack of a bicultural justice system and robust collaboration with iwi, hapū and whānau in the administration of this acts as a barrier to Māori feeling safe and culturally supported to access these services. Further, historical grievances and negative experiences Māori have had with the Crown, and by extension, the criminal justice system, can act as a barrier to Māori confidence in accessing criminal justice services.

As noted previously, Māori were likely to be perpetrated against by a partner or whānau member. This created barriers for reporting to the police and over half elected not to formally report because of feeling whakamā.. For Māori, whakamā is more than feeling a sense of shame or embarrassment; it reduces the individual’s mana and affects an individual’s sense of worth by affecting every aspect of her/his life. Whakamā affects victim/survivors’ health and well-being by negatively affecting their tinana (physical dimension), hinengaro (mental and emotional dimension); wairua (spiritual dimension) and whānau (whakapapa/family dimension) which also includes their living circumstances.

In addition, participants who did not report were concerned about the impact reporting would have on whānau. More than half of those who did not report to the police believed the sexual violation was their fault.

Of the nine Māori who reported the incident to the police, four said they had reported the offence to protect others. Six Māori reported their preference for reporting the offence to a Māori police officer. Of those Māori who reported to the police, six stated they were ‘highly satisfied’ (n=4) or ‘satisfied’ (n=2) with the support they received from the police.

Māori participants described a range of feelings that accompanied reporting the assault: feeling frightened, anxious, concerned, confused and disoriented. Sometimes these responses were attributed to re-experiencing the trauma through disclosure. It was difficult ‘talking in detail about what had happened’ stated one victim/survivor. One woman was worried the police would not have enough experience with what she had experienced (i.e. ritual abuse) and this made her concerned about reporting. But concerns voiced by victim/survivors were also attributed to the broader social impact of reporting. For example, reporting to the police might have signified the end of a relationship, which would bring about financial insecurity. Further, some people might have suffered memory loss or physical injury, which affected their emotional state at the time of reporting.

10.4    Giving a formal interview

Giving a statement to the police was emotionally difficult for Māori. Eight out of the nine Māori who reported to police participated in a formal interview. Two commented they would have preferred a female officer. One commented on the time taken for the interview, ‘[the detective] was trying to rush everything so she could go. Time was difficult because of the trauma etc’. However, interviewees were generally pleased with how they were treated during the formal interview process.

At the time Māori gave their statements, they reported feeling angry, confused, scared and whakamā. One pregnant woman stated she was taken into a sterile room. Half-way through the interview she was offered a cup of tea. She felt like she ‘was a criminal’ because the walls were covered with police information and she had to sit in an uncomfortable chair. However, another person recalled that the detectives were ‘very laid back’ and very helpful and treated her with respect. Another said she felt ‘disgust about what happened’ when she recalled the assault. She tried to focus on how she could have prevented being in the situation.

Police who carried out the formal interviews were generally considered to be supportive. However, some victim/survivors felt the interviewers were not skilled enough, and one stated it would have been preferable to have ‘someone professional there who knows how to handle rape victims’. Four out of the nine Māori were concerned about reporting to the police. Several said they lacked trust in the police.

Two victim/survivors stated they would have preferred an officer of a different gender when reporting. One male interviewee stated, ‘I prefer women – don’t trust men ... because of early childhood sexual abuse’. However, victim/survivors appreciated supportive male officers. Another stated she would have preferred a female but found the male officer ‘was really good and professional’. Despite their concerns four Māori provided positive comments about the reporting officer. Māori were generally satisfied (6 out of 9) with the reporting process, ‘He [the police officer] was very professional’

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Victim/survivors made several suggestions to improve the reporting process: interviewers should be trained to be non-judgemental, supportive and ‘not too formal’, and interviews should be conducted in a less sterile environment. One person suggested ‘more sexual survivor advocates specialising in male survivors’ are needed.

10.5    Forensic medical examination

Two female and one male Māori victim/survivors had a forensic medical examination. When asked to describe how they were feeling at the time of the examination the male interviewee said he felt like ‘Shit, worthless; I felt like I wasn’t a man anymore’. All were generally satisfied with the examination, but one criticised a procedure to take bloods that resulted in a vein collapsing. Another stated she was unwilling and ‘wanted to get it over and done with’. She felt she was ‘talked into it’ by the doctor and felt obligated to help others. A further victim/survivor stated she was afraid she would not be believed because the doctor said she ‘wasn’t finding much’ evidence.

Following the forensic examination the interviewees described having strong emotions. One reported feeling ‘Re-raped by the doctor. It was as hard as the rape was’. Similarly, another ‘Felt violated again’ as the ‘poking and prodding’ was experienced as ‘invading’ her body and she did not feel as though she was in control. One other recalled feeling disappointed and ‘felt worse’ after the examination. ‘[I] felt like the criminal because [forensics] found nothing. No semen.’ These experiences of being re-traumatised suggest health professionals’ level of empathy and competencies need improve.

However, several things helped Māori victim/survivors cope afterwards. One woman said the ‘Kids’ pictures on the wall really comforted me [as the] pictures of children provided a distraction during the examination’. Another commented the police provided her with a dressing gown and took her home, which she found very helpful.

10.6    Going to court

Reporting to the police was unlikely to result in formal outcomes for Māori. Only one third of cases (3 out of 9) resulted in charges being laid. One perpetrator pled guilty before trial and two went to trial. However, the numbers are too small to make any conclusive statements in relation to outcomes for Māori victim/survivors who report sexual violence to the police.

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10.7    Support and assistance

Fourteen out of 21 (67 percent) Māori had contact with a support agency or service..Of these, six were referred to or contacted multiple support agencies before accessing an appropriate counsellor or support person. Eleven victim/survivors said they found the support they received helpful.

Got me a counsellor so that’s really good [and they] got me a support person to go with me when I went to the police. They also provided an interim counsellor when one was required.

Māori victim/survivors stated that accessing counselling services and support groups aided recovery because talking about what had happened and being listened to by counsellors was helpful. Being believed was also important.

They (counsellors) were non-judgemental and had complete empathy for me. They made me feel at ease.

Clinical intervention also strengthened resiliency; counsellors built strong rapport with clients and provided coping strategies. One participant had a fear of being judged and stated ‘It helps you if a counsellor tells you a bit about their life. [It] also helps if the counsellor has empathy and a sense of humour’. One counsellor was described as ‘An absolute life saver – dedicated and passionate’.

Support from kaupapa Māori services was considered extremely valuable by the four who accessed these services. One woman described how her counsellor listened to her for eight hours at the initial counselling session. Another, who felt too unsafe to disclose at an initial session, appreciated the cultural support she received from her counsellor. The health professional (an ACC counsellor) ‘took months to do whanaungatanga‘ (establish whakapapa connections and build a strong relationship and rapport) until the client could ‘feel safe’ enough to disclose. Only two Māori victim/survivors found the counselling process unhelpful..

Ten out of 14 Māori reported they were satisfied with the service they received. One participant stated that counselling made the difference to her recovery; she learned about anger and stress management.

I’ve had a few rough patches and they’ve given me free one-on-one free session[s] – 15 sessions. I didn’t know what to do, how to get out of it – I’d walked away from the family home and all my security.

Māori also wanted other forms of support.. Four out of 10 Māori identified they required health professionals that were more highly skilled.

I was too young and immature to deal with such things. [Health professionals] rush past it – they need to run [the possibility of sexual violation] by [the victim] again to make sure it was consensual.

A further two victim/survivors spoke about the need for highly knowledgeable and competent people to provide ‘skilled, professional support’. For example, one participant stated that she sought support from her doctor who gave her a prescription for antidepressants. The doctor did not discuss the possibility of sexual violation although he referred her to a kaupapa Māori service. Another victim/survivor stated that accessing a kaupapa Māori support service would have made the process easier for her. A further participant voiced the need for kaumātua to support the recovery process by providing spiritual support for Māori victim/survivors.

Victim/survivors also identified the need for earlier intervention. One said counselling was required within the first few days of the trauma. Other needs were also identified.

A safe house or somewhere to go when you’ve been triggered, freaking out ... a place where [victim/survivors] know the people; not a psychological assessment, not about medication – somewhere to spend a couple of days until [the] anxiety or threat of violence disappears.

Another victim/survivor who was sexually violated in childhood and raped as a young adult suggested that specialist organisations should provide ongoing support for people who come into contact with services as children. This would provide ‘consistency’ and continuity of care and potentially reduce the risk of their being further abused.

As a result of the negative impacts of experiencing sexual violence, Māori victim/survivors sometimes engaged in behaviours that were unhelpful to their recovery. Specifically, seven Māori victim/survivors described using ‘self-soothing’ behaviours (alcohol, other drugs and compulsive over-eating) to help them cope, and indulging in other unhealthy behaviours such as promiscuity or compulsive work habits.

10.8    Impact of sexual assault

Experiences of sexual violation sometimes followed childhood experiences that might have contributed to precipitating further abuse.

The sexual violation made me vulnerable [and] I believed I needed someone to protect me; and along came [the abusive ex-husband].

Sexual violation affected victim/survivors’ mental health. Some people identified post-traumatic stress disorder, anxiety and/or depression, alcoholism, drug and gambling addictions, and workaholism. One victim/survivor stated that the experience had increased her self-harming behaviours.

10.8.1    Emotional impacts
Emotionally, Māori victim/survivors described themselves as being vulnerable, fearful suspicious, angry and in denial; their ‘self-esteem’ and sense of worth was lowered. One said it ‘killed every little bit of self-respect’ she had for herself. Survivors lacked trust in men, and people in general. Some blamed themselves, believing they had ‘asked for it’ or ‘deserved it’. One victim/survivor stated the experience, ‘Ruined my life; I don’t live any more – I exist’. Many described an inability to sleep because of insomnia and/or nightmares, and they often turned to alcohol and other drugs or other self-destructive strategies to mitigate the negative effects they were experiencing.

10.8.2    Social impacts
Māori victim/survivors were also affected socially. The experience of sexual violence contributed to break-downs in intimate relationships, often caused problems with trust and sexual intimacy, and affected the ability of some to parent effectively. It caused conflict with whānau who were in denial. Some developed promiscuous behaviours or entered into prostitution. It affected the ability to work or study, with one participant stating she had stopped participating in a community youth programme. Socialising, going to church and being in public were also difficult for victim/survivors. One woman was ostracised, and another was encouraged by her priest to stay with the perpetrator.

10.8.3    Impacts on children
Sexual violation affected the children of Māori victim/survivors. It affected parents’ relationships with their children, particularly in relation to bonding and being emotionally available. Parents distanced themselves or became over-protective of their children. In some instances the abuse may have resulted in a parent losing contact with their children. Parents described their children witnessing violence; children became angry, withdrawn, fearful and terrified.

I think of my son, he saw some of it. He has some behavioural problems at present and he can be quite spiteful to his sister.

10.8.4    Impacts on family/whānau
In some cases Māori victim/survivors’ parents did not believe or denied what had happened, especially if the offender was a family member, which caused tension. Parents experienced anger toward the offender, as well as an acute sense of emotional pain and helplessness. Shock, anger, disbelief, resentment, denial, aloofness, anxiety, sadness, self-blame and confusion were all emotions experienced by the parents of victim/survivors. One person stated her father was unable to pray after he found out. One mother was traumatised and relied on her daughter (a victim/survivor of incest) to help her through the judicial process. Sometimes whānau/families became over-protective or withdrew from the victim/survivor. Similarly, the partners of victim/survivors were angry with the offender. One participant felt rejected by her in-laws as a result of disclosing the sexual violence. However, other whānau members provided emotional and practical support to the victim/survivor. One woman stated that her aunty had called a ‘whānau meeting’ to discuss what had happened.

10.8.5    Impacts on friends
Compared with family/whānau, friends were affected to a lesser degree by what had happened to the victim/survivor, although they also experienced anger, sadness, disbelief and shock. It may also have increased their sense of vulnerability and personal safety.

[My friends] started carrying around a stick – [as my sexual violation] made them more aware [and] friends told others about being safe’.

However, friends who related personally to the experience often focused on their own issues, betrayed confidentiality, or wanted to seek revenge (on behalf of the victim/survivor). Others provided valuable support.

My friends are my closest family. They were worried. They saw the change in me [withdrawn, insecure, detached, and not willing to get involved with anyone]. They were there for me.

10.9    Māori healing and recovery

In terms of rating what was most helpful to recovery, more than half (10 out of 17) of Māori interviewed identified support from friends as most useful. Interestingly, 10 out of all 21 Māori research participants identified that counselling and/or psychological support was beneficial, with a further two stating that talking about what had happened and being listened to were most helpful to recovery. Another two also stated a women’s support group and a male survivor’s support group were most beneficial.

10.9.1    Impact of location on recovery
Most Māori victim/survivors indicated that their healing and recovery were affected by where their lived geographically. Participants variably identified there were advantages to living in both urban and rural communities in terms of accessing support. Living in urban areas increased the likelihood of being able to access a variety of counselling or support services because it increased the number of counsellors to choose from. However, non-kaupapa Māori-based services required clients to provide their own transport to services and counselling sessions were normally set at only one hour each week. Several victim/survivors who returned to their iwi or whānau after being sexually violated and those who lived in rural communities commented that living in a rural Māori environment helped them to access services easily, because it is easier to approach a local health service (hauora) because counsellors or support workers are known to the community.

Although rural communities do not tend to have the same variety of services and counsellors to choose from as urban communities, hauora counsellors often provide home visits, which the women found helpful. Home visits were typically more frequent and longer than the weekly, one-hour counselling sessions that were provided in urban locations. One rural Māori victim/survivor stated that they found accessing support in the city was ‘stressful’ and difficult and moving home to a rural area and receiving home visits supported her recovery. Four respondents stated that receiving home visits from counsellors employed by kaupapa Māori services was beneficial.

Healing and recovery was also affected by the proximity of victim/survivors to their whānau/friends and/or the offender. Living near whānau and friends was considered important because they provided valuable support. Conversely, recovery was compromised if the offender lived in the same town or in proximity to the victim/survivor. Living near the offender generated fear and anxiety and generally impeded recovery. Also, living in a low socio-economic environment presented challenges for some participants, because there was often easy access to alcohol and other drugs, and such behaviours impeded healing and recovery.

10.9.2    Extent to which the healing and recovery process is complete
Only 3 out of the 21 Māori victim/survivors stated their healing and recovery was complete, with 17 victim/survivors stating it was not complete, and one who said she did not know if it was complete. Those who thought their recovery was complete attributed this to being able to talk about their experiences. One said, ‘[I] no longer hold the mamae/pain’ as a result of receiving counselling support. However, the majority of Māori victim/survivors (19 out of 21) identified several things that needed to happen for them to be able to complete the recovery process. The majority identified the need for more counselling to support the reduction of depression, anxiety and post-traumatic stress disorder symptoms. Increasing self-esteem and processing issues as they emerge were also important. Only one person stated they needed legal support. Three people stated their healing might never be complete.

It’s an ongoing process, definitely an ongoing process. Like right now, I think it’s still going to carry on for a while. Not too sure if it will be complete you know, but maybe one day if I’m lucky it will.

Counselling, support groups and the support from family and friends helped most people to get through the hardest part of the recovery process. Several victim/survivors also considered spiritual or religious beliefs important.

Despite the negative impacts, most participants also indicated that there had been some positive outcomes. Becoming ‘strong’ and developing inner strength were considered the most positive outcomes. Counselling also contributed to increasing self-esteem and confidence.

10.9.3    Advice to other victim/survivors
Māori research participants suggested several ways to support other victim/survivors’ recovery. Disclosing sexual violation and seeking counselling support were considered most important to recovery.

‘Get help. Be it whānau or anybody. Get help and speak up.

Find someone you trust; [a] friend or counsellor who won’t judge you. Go through the process of telling the police – speak up (even if you feel ashamed). Speak up and be heard.

Believe that you are beautiful. You are not the perpetrator – none of this was yours. Just love yourself – let no one take it away from you. That’s one thing they cannot take away from you – your inner soul, your beauty, your wairua.

10.10    Summary

All Māori victim/survivors had more than one incident of sexual violence, some in childhood. The most difficult part of recovery for Māori victim/survivors was disclosing and working to build trust and self-esteem. At the time this research was undertaken the majority of Māori victim/survivors considered they had not achieved recovery. They identified the need for further counselling to help manage ongoing mental health symptoms; three said healing would never be complete. Counselling, support groups, and support from family and friends were most helpful with the more difficult issues. Many Māori victim/survivors’ inner strength, confidence and self-esteem had grown after the sexual violation experience. The most helpful advice Māori victim/survivors offered to other victim/survivors was to disclose and to engage in counselling.

11    Summary of findings and conclusions

11.1    Introduction

The aim of this study was to explore help-seeking and pathways to assistance and recovery for adult (i.e. people aged 16 or over) victim/survivors of sexual violence from diverse population groups across New Zealand. The focus was on victim/survivors’ experiences of engaging with formal and informal systems.
For some, this included the criminal justice system. The objectives were to identify:

• key points at which victim/survivors become involved with the criminal justice system and how they come to be involved
• key points at which victim/survivors exit the criminal justice system and how this comes about
• factors that promote victim/survivors continuing through the criminal justice process
• what victim/survivors found helpful and unhelpful about their interactions with the criminal justice system
• key points at which victim/survivors access other formal support systems and how they come to do so
• victim/survivors’ views on what works to promote recovery, resilience and strength
• the impact of geographical location on pathways to assistance and recovery.

This chapter first describes the research findings in relation to each of the aims of the project, then presents an overall summary highlighting the key findings.

11.2    Victim/survivors involvement with the criminal justice system

This section contains the results of research findings in relation to the first four objectives of the project.

11.2.1    Points of entry and exit
Typically, the first decisions victim/survivors make in the aftermath of rape/sexual assault involve the issue of disclosure – whom do they tell about what has happened? In this study, the majority of incidents occurred in the victim/survivor’s home, and were perpetrated by a person they knew well, most typically a partner or ex-partner, a family member or an acquaintance. Two-thirds disclosed the incident within a week of it occurring, most often to a family member or friend. Very few said a police officer was the first person they told (n=7; 12 percent).

The decision whether or not to tell the police is critical, since this typically marks the entry point to criminal justice system processes overall. About half of all those interviewed and surveyed for this study decided to report the rape/sexual assault to the police. Those who did said their reasons for reporting related most typically to not wanting the offender to get away with it and wanting to protect others. Those who did not report to the police were most often influenced by a fear of not being believed and anxiety about the effects of reporting on their family/whānau.
The majority of those who reported did so the same day or within a week of being sexually assaulted. Of these, two-thirds said they had concerns when they approached the police, most commonly anxiety that the police might not believe them.

In 17 out of 37 cases reported to the police there was no formal outcome, with 9 of these cases arising from the police deciding not to lay charges, typically because they considered there to be insufficient evidence. The majority of the victim/survivors in these cases expressed strong dissatisfaction at no action being taken against the perpetrator. This was the most significant point of exit from the criminal justice system.

Three-quarters of those whose cases proceeded said they experienced some aspects of police responses as helpful, specifically the supportive attitudes and behaviours encountered and the fact officers believed them. More than a half also noted aspects that they experienced as unhelpful, with the two most commonly cited factors being insensitive or clinical attitudes and failing to provide ongoing information.

Six respondents said they had considered withdrawing from the police process once they’d made a complaint and/or given a statement. Reasons given related to the length of time things took and being tired of waiting for an outcome, and the thought of having to go to court. Nine said others had pressured them to withdraw from the process. This was usually when there had been a close relationship between the victim/survivor and perpetrator. Sources of pressure to withdraw often came from family/whānau members (n=4), friends (n=3), and the perpetrator (n=2). Seventeen respondents said they had received encouragement to continue with the police process. Sources of encouragement included combinations of family/whānau, the police, partners, counsellors and psychologists, support groups, friends, and specialist sexual violence agencies.

Comments about what influenced victim/survivors in their decision to continue participating in police processes suggested they could be seriously affected by the attitudes of others around them. This included not only police attitudes but also the extent to which they felt encouraged and supported by family, friends, and other individuals and agencies. This emerged as particularly crucial in the context of cases involving intimate partner violence, where victim/survivors were often struggling with their own conflicting emotions as well as trying to manage divided attitudes in those around them. Their responses indicate the importance of all those involved with victim/survivors, both formally and informally, to validate the decision to report and provide ongoing support throughout the process.

Only three respondents said they had considered dropping out of the court process, mainly because of the length of time it took for their case to come to trial. They had been exposed to pressure from perpetrators and family/whānau to drop charges. Conversely, 10 interviewees said they had been supported and encouraged to carry on with the court process. This support most often came from family/whānau, friends, the police, and service or agency staff (specialist sexual violence agencies and Women’s Refuge in particular).

The offender was found guilty in 8 of the 17 cases that proceeded to trial, and in three further cases pleaded guilty before the trial. Not surprisingly, in the five cases where the accused was not found guilty, and in a case dismissed by the judge, the victim/survivors felt angry and devastated by the outcome.

11.2.2    Helpful and unhelpful interactions with the criminal justice system

Police
In this study, the experiences of those who reported to the police were mostly positive, with only a minority feeling the police were disbelieving or cold or insensitive towards them. Some felt the environment within which they were interviewed was too clinical and uncomfortable, or complained about the lack of privacy in police stations. Police processes for obtaining evidence were also experienced negatively by some respondents, with comments suggesting greater sensitivity and communication could help to ease the distress such procedures could cause.

What respondents said they valued the most from the police was being supported and believed, and being kept informed of case developments and delays. In terms of what they felt could make police processes easier to manage, the factor those interviewed most commonly identified at the reporting stage was greater availability of female officers, while having the formal interview conducted in a more friendly or less sterile environment was seen as desirable. Some felt they would have benefited from having more emotional support as they went through police processes, with this not being left to support agencies to provide but also being evident in police attitudes and behaviours towards victim/survivors.

Forensic medical examination
Only eleven victim/survivors had a forensic medical examination. Most of them felt they were told the reasons for this and had been consulted to some extent about this procedure. In nine cases the doctor performing the examination was female, and this was appreciated by most, including the only male respondent who had a forensic medical examination. About half experienced the doctor as warm and understanding, while one-third felt the doctor’s manner was cold and clinical. When asked how they felt after the examination was over, most answered in negative terms, with three saying they had experienced the procedure as a re-violation similar to the initial rape/sexual assault experience. What those examined found helpful was the information the doctor provided and the ways some doctors were comforting and validating in attitude, acknowledging how invasive the procedure was and displaying empathy towards them.

Court
The cases of 14 interviewees proceeded through to court, with all of these interviewees saying they had been given information beforehand explaining court procedures, most often by the police or by a court victim adviser. About a third felt that, nevertheless, they were still unprepared for managing court processes. Most met the prosecutor only on the day of the trial or the day before, although the majority found the prosecutor understanding, professional and pleasant. A minority expressed dissatisfaction with the prosecutor when they felt the latter was too cold and clinical in his/her approach.

All of those who gave evidence described the experience in negative terms, including ‘traumatic’ and ‘degrading’. This was irrespective of whether the accused was found guilty at trial, which the accused was in over half the cases. In terms of support through the trial, most had support and said they could choose their support person, most typically opting for a family member, followed by a friend or specialist sexual violence agency worker. What they found the hardest to manage was ‘defence attorney bullying’, as well as proximity to the perpetrator and his supporters.

All of those experiencing court processes commented on how important it was to have good support available, whether from family/whānau, friends or agencies, and some felt it was essential to be able to have their support person visible and close by them. Also rated highly was the need for all those going to court to be provided with detailed information about giving evidence, their rights in the system, and the chances of a conviction.

11.3    Victim/survivors’ access to support systems

11.3.1    Formal support
The majority of research participants had contact with at least one formal support agency, most often accessed by referral from a counsellor or the police or through self-referral; for example, some responded to advertisements seen in local papers. One-third said they had experienced some difficulty in accessing support services and felt more information was required about the services available. Some also felt it was difficult to access services when they were most needed and for the length of time needed, and that more culturally appropriate services were needed.

The majority of those accessing formal agency support expressed satisfaction with the service provided, valuing, in particular, the emotional support provided. Practical support, such as child-minding and transportation, was appreciated where it was given, while some commented on the high financial costs associated with accessing agency support and counselling. Some found particular support workers or counsellors less helpful than others, with unhelpful responses including conveying a sense of blame or judgement and failing to provide safety. What many emphasised was the importance of being able to access support from the most competent and appropriate provider for each individual victim/survivor, the ‘right’ person whether that be in terms of personality, therapeutic modality, gender, ethnicity, sexual preference, or whatever was deemed significant by the particular victim/survivor.

Of significance was the extent to which there was overwhelming recognition of the value and quality of support provided by specialist sexual violence agencies, a finding that in many ways underscores the obvious conclusion – the needs of those subjected to the trauma of sexual violence are best met by specialist trained and qualified personnel and agencies.

Geographical considerations
As expected, victim/survivors’ ability to access formal support systems was affected by where they lived. Those who had moved from rural areas commented on the ease with which they could access services in larger metropolitan areas. This also enabled them to choose from a range of counsellors and service providers, increasing the possibility of their being able to find the support that best met their own needs and preferences. In areas where little choice was available, victim/survivors struggled to find the best support for themselves, and could also face safety and confidentiality issues that could compromise their abilities to disclose and access support.

11.3.2    Informal support
Two-thirds of all research participants had sought informal support from friends, family/whānau and others. As with formal support, the most helpful response they received was emotional support, with many saying they valued the general willingness on the part of others to listen and be there for them. Practical support was also valued by some, which included information and advice, accommodation, and running errands.

The small number (n=14) who were disappointed with how those around them responded described finding it difficult, for example, when others told them how they ‘should’ be feeling. They also struggled if those around them took it upon themselves to disclose what had happened to other people without first obtaining the victim/survivor’s permission.

As well as external sources of support, two-thirds of respondents used self-help strategies, most typically books and, albeit to a lesser extent, internet-based material. Others referred to a variety of pursuits and activities they experienced as helpful, including exercise, alcohol and/or other drugs, meditation, and art therapy. Most of those who used self-help strategies found these beneficial in their recovery process. This suggests that, excluding the use of self-medication (i.e. alcohol or other drug use), self-help strategies need to be recognised as a useful complement to counselling and other more formal therapeutic practices.

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11.4    Victim/survivors’ views on healing and recovery

Victim/survivors detailed how the rape/sexual assault affected them and those close to them. Their responses indicate a wide variety of impacts affecting every aspect of their lives. The majority described ways in which they felt their lives had been turned upside down by their experience of sexual assault, with the two largest areas of impact being emotional and mental health and sex, trust and intimacy. Many felt the effects were long-lasting, affecting their relationships and work as well as their physical and mental health. When asked if they considered the recovery process to be complete, 84 percent said ‘no’, many indicating how profound the impact had been on their sense of self and identity.

The factor most strongly associated with recovery was access to counselling, in particular, finding the ‘right’ counsellor. Family members and friends were sometimes supportive, but often lacked the understanding to provide what the victim/survivor needed. Many victim/survivors also used self-help strategies, which included literature, sport and recreational activities, alternative health remedies, and ‘pampering’. Interestingly, the majority acknowledged, somewhat paradoxically, how they recognised some positive consequences derived from their experience of sexual violence, with the most commonly cited examples being increased levels of awareness and heightened strength and resiliency.

The overall impression given was that healing and recovery was typically a long process and one that, ideally, was contributed to by a wide range of formal and informal sources of support, including self-help strategies. A recurrent theme, articulated on a range of levels, was that there was no one path to recovery – recovery could take various routes, and was often underpinned by a determination to reject a victim-based sense of identity.

11.5    Māori victim/survivors

The experiences of Māori victim/survivors did not differ greatly from those of others in the sample. Consequently, most of what they considered to be helpful is similar to that expressed by other victim/survivors in this study.

All Māori victim/survivors had experienced more than one incident of sexual violence, some in childhood. In terms of rating what was most helpful to recovery, more than half (10 out of 17) of Māori interviewed identified support from friends, followed by counselling and/or psychological support. The most difficult part of recovery for Māori victim/survivors was disclosing and working to build trust and self-esteem.

Māori victim/survivors who returned to their iwi or whānau after being sexually violated and others who lived in rural communities commented that living in a rural Māori environment helped them to access services easily because it was easier to approach a local health service (hauora) where counsellors or support workers are known to the community. Also, some appreciated these counsellors’ willingness to make home visits. However, confidentiality was also a concern in small rural communities.

Many Māori victim/survivors said their inner strength, confidence and self-esteem had grown in the wake of the sexual violation experience. The most helpful advice Māori victim survivors offered to other victim/survivors was to disclose and to engage in counselling. Although many expressed a preference for kaupapa Māori services, others encouraged Māori not to exclude Pākehā services in their search for healing and recovery.

11.6    Conclusion

This study represents the most comprehensive research into adult sexual violence in New Zealand for many years. Its findings provide a useful lens that can assist us to gauge the impact of recent initiatives, highlight possible areas of concern, and identify topics requiring additional research. This section comments on each of these strands in turn.

11.6.1    Impact of recent initiatives

Police
In the 1980s and 1990s, research into victim/survivors’ experiences of reporting rape in New Zealand identified several major areas of concern: a sense that those reporting rape could sometimes encounter police disbelief and scepticism, often stemming from questions about the complainant’s credibility (Young, 1983; Jordan, 1998, 2001, 2004); a lack of comfort and privacy in police stations; and a lack of information about case progress and developments (Young, 1983; Jordan, 1998, 2001, 2004, 2008).

The results of this study suggest that some of these issues have been addressed, at least for some complainants in some areas. For example, the development of specialist facilities has addressed some of these issues, but only in a few areas – complainants throughout most of the country are still likely to be interviewed in police station rooms with variable levels of comfort and privacy. The increased levels of training for detectives may be contributing to the positive ratings given to them by many of the complainants interviewed in this study. Of concern, however, were the experiences of the minority whose experiences of the police were negative, so felt revictimised as a result.

Overall, it appears that good progress has been made and many complainants feel positive about their experiences with the police, but it is by no means consistently experienced. In a 1990s study a complainant acknowledged that while there might be more good individual police officers within the organisation than there had been, ‘it shouldn’t be an individual thing … It shouldn’t be a case of just who you happen to get’ (Jordan, 2001, p. 700)

Jordan’s (2001) quotation continues to be salient in 2009 – the chances of a positive response may have improved, but the lottery wheel continues to spin. It has been encouraging to see that, in the wake of the bad press that led to the Commission of Inquiry into Police Conduct, the New Zealand Police has demonstrated a more visible commitment to improving police responses to rape complainants. This has been signalled by, for example, efforts to increase participation in adult sexual assault investigation training courses, the appointment of a national sexual assault co-ordinator, and the establishment of a specialist sexual assault investigation unit in Auckland.

Medical examination
In the 1970s and 1980s it was common for forensic medical examinations to be conducted by male doctors, with a 1980s study finding only two complainants had been examined by a female doctor (Stone et al., 1983). Research in the 1990s showed this practice had reversed with most of the 11 complainants being examined by a female doctor and only two by male doctors (Jordan, 1998). The current study showed this practice had continued, again finding only 2 of the 11 who had forensic medical examinations were seen by male doctors.

In terms of how victim/survivors experienced the examination process, in marked contrast to the 1980s research, the majority in both this study and the 1990s research felt the doctor treated them well. In both studies, respondents commented on how much they appreciated being validated and treated as a person, having the doctor display warmth and sensitivity as well as professionalism, and being provided with clear information they could understand. The few negative comments made related to the doctor being cold and clinical and to feeling pressured.

The consistently positive overall ratings given to the doctors suggests that, having encountered earlier criticisms, the decision to form Doctors for Sexual Abuse Care and move towards specialist training was positive and appropriate. This organisation is committed to trying to ensure that as many as possible of those requiring a forensic medical examination are seen by a doctor who has been specially trained and qualified to provide optimal levels of care. This commitment has resulted in significantly improved experiences for victim/survivors.

Court process
Very few rape/sexual assault cases proceed to court, and research in this area has typically found the experience of the trial to be arduous and traumatic for all complainants (Young, 1983; Jordan, 1998, 2008). One of the hardest aspects to manage, not surprisingly, has been defence counsel’s cross-examination, with this experienced as akin to the initial rape experience (Jordan, 1998, 2008).

The results from this study indicate this is still the case. Going to court was a fearful and humiliating experience, and one that most victim/survivors felt they needed high levels of support to manage. Some complainants experienced extreme anxiety from having to face the perpetrator in court, or the way in which restrictions were placed on aspects such as the proximity of the support person. Concern about facing the perpetrator is not surprising, considering the number of cases related to family or intimate partner violence, where a long history of control and intimidation by the offender may have formed the context within which the rape occurred.

What many felt would help victim/survivors in managing court processes was the provision of more detailed information, specifically about giving evidence, the likelihood of conviction, and the sources of support they could access.

Support agencies
Many victim/survivors have long relied on support agencies to help them to manage in the aftermath of rape/sexual assault. Many of the agencies providing this support developed within the context of the 1970s and 1980s women’s movement, and have had a long history of struggling for funding and recognition. In many areas of New Zealand the police have good relationships with local agencies, but this can depend, at least in part, on the personalities and histories within a particular area (Beckett, 2007), and the existence and strength of multi-agency partnerships can vary considerably. Earlier research showed that those seeking support experienced a range of approaches and competencies within these agencies, with many being highly appreciative of the support received while others struggled to feel their needs were met (Jordan, 1998, 2008).

The findings were broadly similar in this study. While many victim/survivors expressed appreciation for the work of support agency personnel and rated them highly, some had negative experiences and did not always feel that those offering support were sufficiently competent or sensitive in their approach. Finding a counsellor they could trust was difficult for some, and being able to afford good-quality counselling was sometimes an issue. What emerged, however, was how significant counselling was in assisting many victim/survivors on their pathway to recovery, with the proviso being that it could be a difficult process to locate the ‘right’ counsellor for each individual victim/survivor.

The services provided by specialist sexual violence agencies typically received the most positive ratings, and although a minority of respondents had some negative experiences with individuals within these agencies, the overall finding underscores the merits of specialisation.

It was also significant that many victim/survivors emphasised the importance of various self-help strategies in their recovery. Again, this was an individual process and suggests the high motivation and initiative taken by many in their quest to access the best measures to assist in their healing. This is consistent with the way in which so many of those interviewed challenged stereotypes of passive victimhood, instead demonstrating resiliency and a commitment to actively engaging support and advancing their recovery.

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11.6.2    Key areas of concern
The overall findings of this study indicate four key areas of concern.

• The lack of consistently high-quality service provision for victim/survivors of rape/sexual assault. Although we found many instances of good practice and commendable service, we also uncovered multiple instances that suggested variable service delivery. The emotional, social and financial costs of sexual violence are so high it seems imperative to strive for optimal levels of service to be delivered consistently to all.
• The links between adult sexual violence and other forms of violence are highly transparent in this study. Many of those interviewed disclosed instances of childhood sexual abuse, even though they were not specifically asked to do so. In addition, a high number of the rapes/sexual assaults disclosed occurred in the context of intimate partner violence. These findings reinforce the importance of an integrated understanding of the gender dynamics underlying violence against women and children. In particular, the findings highlight the significance of the sexual violence component of ‘family violence’ being recognised, named and responded to appropriately.
• The high incidence of repeat adult sexual victimisation – findings from this study point to many victim/survivors having experienced multiple incidents of sexual violence. This suggests the existence of a highly vulnerable population in need of specialist services and positive interventions to mitigate risk.
• The advantages to be obtained from implementing a specialised response are highlighted when the evidence from this study is considered in conjunction with the findings from earlier research. Wherever moves towards specialisation have been taken, there appear to be clear advantages for victim/survivors of sexual violence. This is not surprising given the serious and complex nature of sexual offending and its consequences, combined with the continuing widespread dominance of societal myths and misunderstandings about rape and its effects

 
This study is significant for its own findings and at the same time is typical of most research in that it generates many areas for future research, including:

• the need to obtain more details about why so many victim/survivors do not report or disclose to the police
• research on sexual violence perpetrated in the context of intimate partner violence, considering, in particular, issues around disclosure, help-seeking, and specific needs and issues
• larger samples and greater detail about the experiences and needs of population groups that are likely to have specific issues, including but not confined to, male victim/survivors, disabled victim/survivors, gay and lesbian victim/survivors, and victim/survivors in provincial and rural areas
• more in-depth understanding of the links between childhood sexual abuse and adult victimisation
• greater understanding of the relationship between alcohol and other drugs and sexual assault, and its significance for help-seeking experiences
• research on teenage and dating violence, including contexts, effects, help-seeking, healing and recovery
• kaupapa Māori research
• Pacific research
• the implementation and evaluation of education programmes aimed at preventing sexual violence.

11.6.4    Final comment
This study reinforces much of what we already knew about the trauma of rape and how to respond to it. The findings suggest that while progress has been made in many areas, there is still a long way to go before we can be assured that any victim/survivor of rape/sexual assault in New Zealand, irrespective of gender, ethnicity, sexual preference, location or social background, is guaranteed to receive optimal levels of professional agency treatment.

This study was designed within a research framework organised in part to identify what helped victim/survivors on their recovery journey. The findings confirm those of other studies suggesting the complex and ongoing nature of the recovery process. ‘Recovery’ emerges neither as a position that can be reached at a particular point in time, nor as necessarily signalling a return to a prior state of well-being. Instead the responses point to a need to be able simultaneously to embrace recognition of the traumatising effects of sexual violence and how these may affect in deleterious ways while also acknowledging how many victim/survivors emerge from this experience stronger and more self-aware. For many, the ability for positive outcomes to emerge from such a negative and potentially destructive experience was assisted by the availability of specialist support services that validated each individual and strove to meet them at their respective points of need. At every stage of the process, the well-being of victim/survivors was enhanced when criminal justice system and other agency personnel treated them with respect and dignity, and in ways that recognised the diverse needs and wishes of each individual. The latter includes, but is ideally not limited to, issues of cultural identity. The passive connotations of the word ‘victim’ are challenged by the interviewees’ descriptions of how they actively sought and used a range of support systems, both formal and informal, to assist them in rebuilding the self. The final word goes to the interviewee who, in stressing the need to keep what happened in perspective, urged:

Don’t think of yourself as a victim. It is just a crap thing that happened to me, and it happens to women all over the world. I was not going to be a victim! You just have to get through it and find the help that you need.

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Glossary of Māori terms

This glossary explains te reo Māori terms used throughout the report (Ryan, 1995).

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Disclaimer

This report was commissioned by the Ministry of Women’s Affairs. The views, opinions and conclusions expressed in the report are intended to inform and stimulate wider debate. They do not represent government policy.

Published in October 2009
by the Ministry of Women’s Affairs | Minitatanga Mō Ngā Wāhine
PO Box 10 049, Wellington, 6143, New Zealand
Phone: 0064 4 915 7112
Fax: 0064 4 916 1604
Email: mwa@mwa.govt.nz
Website: www.mwa.govt.nz

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ISBN 978-0-478252-44-6 (Digital)