Pathways to recovery – Part 1

Authors: Venezia Kingi and Jan Jordan with Tess Moeke-Maxwell and Peggy Fairbairn-Dunlop

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This document is made up of five parts.

Contents

Acknowledgements
Executive summary

Part one: Introduction

1    Background
1.1    Introduction
1.2    Project overview
1.3    Structure of this report

2    Methodology
2.1    Objectives
2.2    Ethical issues
2.3    Definitions
2.4    Research design
2.5    Interview schedules and
2.6    Fieldwork – recruitment and challenges
2.7    The sample
2.8    Data analysis
2.9    Limitations of the research   

List of tables

Table 1: Victim/survivors by area: survey (n=17) and interview (n=58) samples  
Table 2: Interview sample characteristics (n=58) 
Table 3: Survey sample characteristics (n=17)

Acknowledgements

We would like to acknowledge the help and support we have received from colleagues at the Crime and Justice Research Centre: Dr Elaine Mossman, who contributed to the research methodology, instrument design and data analysis and provided feedback on various drafts of the report; our research assistant, Lana Moriarty; Dr Leslie MacGibbon, who assisted with interviewing victim/survivors and writing case studies; and Dr Mike Roguski who primarily interviewed male victim/survivors.

We would also like to acknowledge and thank all those who were involved in this project. The Ministry of Women’s Affairs staff with whom we had a working relationship over the life of the project, Research Manager Dr Denise Lievore, Research Co-ordinator Nicole Benkert, and Senior Policy Analyst Lynda Byrne, all provided valuable guidance, support and feedback on various drafts of the report.
In addition, Sonya Rimene provided support for the researchers when developing a methodology for recruiting Māori participants.

Feedback on research instruments and draft reports was provided by the members of the project advisory group and this was greatly appreciated. This group was made up of representatives from the Ministry of Justice, the New Zealand Police, the Secretariat of the Taskforce for Action on Sexual Violence, the Accident Compensation Corporation, Te Puni Kōkiri, the Ministry of Pacific Island Affairs, the Ministry of Social Development, Te Ohaakii a Hine – National Network Ending Sexual Violence Together (TOAH-NNEST), and the National Collective of Rape Crisis. In particular, our thanks to go to Paulette Benton-Greig and Sandz Peipi from TOAH-NNEST, who provided support, information and guidance to the researchers. We have also benefited from the advice and support provided by members of the project steering group.

We would like to acknowledge and thank Professor Liz Kelly of London Metropolitan University for her valuable and insightful feedback on the report in its final stages.

We would also like to extend a special thank you to all those services and individuals, including our personal networks, who were generous with their time and information sharing and who facilitated our contact with participants and provided support during interviews. In particular, we would like to thank members of TOAH-NNEST, the National Collective of Independent Women’s Refuges, the New Zealand Prostitutes’ Collective, the Male Survivors of Sexual Abuse Trust, and the Accident Compensation Corporation counsellors we contacted. Their support was crucial to this project.

Finally, words cannot fully express the extent of our thanks and appreciation to the victim/survivors who agreed to take part in this research. Without their generosity and willingness to share details of traumatic events in their lives, this research would not have been possible. We hope we have treated their stories with the respect that they deserve and been able to give them a voice.

Executive summary

1    Background

Researchers from the Crime and Justice Research Centre, Victoria University of Wellington, were contracted by the Ministry of Women’s Affairs to undertake four work streams relating to effective interventions for adult victim/survivors of sexual violence. This report presents the findings of the pathways study, the overall aim of which was to explore help-seeking and pathways to assistance and recovery for adult victim/survivors of sexual violence from diverse population groups across New Zealand. The focus was on victim/survivors’ experiences of engaging with formal and informal systems. For some, this included the criminal justice system.

The objectives of the pathways study were to identify:

•  key points at which victim/survivors become involved with the criminal justice system and how they come to be involved
• key points at which victim/survivors exit the criminal justice system and how this comes about
• factors that promote victim/survivors continuing through the criminal justice process
• what victim/survivors found helpful and unhelpful about their interactions with the criminal justice system
• key points at which victim/survivors access other formal support systems and how they come to do so
• victim/survivors’ views on what works to promote recovery, resilience and strength
• the impact of geographical location on pathways to assistance and recovery.

2    Methodology

A mixed methods approach was utilised, comprising interviews with 58 victim/survivors and surveys completed by 17 victim/survivors. This was not a representative sample of victim/survivors of sexual violence either individually or geographically, so the findings must be interpreted with caution.

Victim/survivors included in this study had disclosed a rape/sexual assault to police, a support agency or a professional any time from 2000. This year was selected in recognition of the potentially significant changes to practice that were introduced in the late 1990s. The most significant change within policing was the introduction of the New Zealand Police Adult Sexual Assault Investigation Policy in 1998.

3    Stories of sexual assault

The stories of seven women have been presented as case studies. These stories set the scene for the research findings. They were chosen to illustrate the diverse experiences of women and to provide examples of the various effects of sexual violence and the pathways women traversed to health and well-being.

4    The experience of sexual violence

Victim/survivors’ experiences of sexual violence can be shaped by the environment in which these occur and whether or not they ‘know’ their offender. Chapter 4 describes the context of the assaults, who victim/survivors first disclosed to and their reasons for doing this at that particular time.

History of sexual assault
The majority of victim/survivors (n=64; 85 percent) who took part in this research indicated that they had been sexually assaulted, either as adults or children, more than once. This included all the Māori respondents (n=21), almost three-quarters of New Zealand European respondents (27 out of 37), and half the Pacific respondents (4 out of 8).

Although childhood sexual abuse and frequency of sexual assault were not specifically asked about, 39 percent of those who had experienced previous sexual violation revealed a history of childhood sexual abuse and that they had been sexually assaulted multiple times.

Only 11 out of 75 research participants were victim/survivors of a single incident of sexual violence as an adult.

The current assault
A significant proportion (76 percent) of the assaults took place in an environment familiar to victim/survivors: their home (64 percent), the perpetrator’s home (7 percent), or the home of a friend or family/whānau member (4 percent).

Almost all respondents (n=69; 92 percent) knew or could identify the person or people who had sexually assaulted them.

The sexual assault of more than half of the victim/survivors (n=41; 59 percent) can be categorised as ‘family violence’ because of the nature of the victim/survivors’ relationship with the perpetrator (i.e. a current partner or ex-partner or a family/whānau member).

Only 6 out of 75 victim/survivors could be categorised as experiencing ‘stranger’ assaults.

Disclosure
For more than two-thirds of research participants (68 percent), the first person they told about the sexual assault was a family/whānau member (n=20; 35 percent) or a close friend (n=19; 33 percent).

The next person victim/survivors were most likely to confide in was a counsellor (n=11; 19 percent). Only a small number (n=7; 12 percent) reported to the police first.

Two-thirds of victim/survivors said they told someone about the assault within the first 24 hours (n=19; 33 percent) or within a week (n=19; 33 percent) of the assault happening.

Fourteen out of the 15 victim/survivors who did not disclose the sexual abuse for years after it had happened had experienced sexual abuse previously. More than two-thirds of this group (9 out of 14) had been abused in childhood.

In comparison, 7 out of 8 interviewees for whom this had been their first experience of sexual assault disclosed the incident within the first 24 hours (n=5) or within the week (n=2).

The most common reason given for disclosure, reported by one-quarter of participants, was that they had wanted someone to know what had happened so that they could get support or advice or make sure that others knew about the perpetrator. The next most common reason (reported by 13 percent) was that they were not coping at the time or had had a ‘breakdown’.

Family violence
More than two-thirds of the 33 interviewees (n=23; 70 percent) who had been assaulted by an ex-partner, a current partner or a family/whānau member reported that they had been sexually assaulted by this person before.

The incidence of repeat sexual assault was higher for those who had experienced intimate partner violence (17 out of 23) than for those who had been assaulted by a family/whānau member (6 out of 23).

For more than half of this group (56 percent), the reasons they decided to disclose this time were that they had ended the relationship (n=4) and so felt safe to disclose or they had decided they could not take any more of this treatment (n=9).

Support and assistance
Almost three-quarters of interviewees (41 out of 57) said that the person to whom they disclosed had done something they found really helpful. This included listening and believing (n=13; 31 percent), being supportive and understanding (n=13; 31 percent) and providing practical help (n=12; 29 percent).

Fewer participants (23 out of 57) said the person to whom they disclosed had done something they found unhelpful. These tended to be the opposite of what they found helpful, that is, being unsupportive, judgemental and disbelieving.

Victim/survivors wanted what they had disclosed to be kept private, unless they asked someone to inform others on their behalf. They did not want to be judged and they wanted to be told that what had happened to them ‘was not okay’.

5    Reporting sexual violence to the police

It is a well-established fact that few people who experience sexual violence report this to the police. In chapter 5 we explore the factors that victim/survivors consider when deciding whether to report to the police. We also describe the experiences, treatment and levels of satisfaction with the process of those who decided that they wanted to report to the police.

Making a decision
Thirty-six (out of 75) research participants reported what happened to them to the police. An identical number were less inclined to become involved in the criminal justice system.

In this study, Pacific participants were least likely to report to the police (1 out of 8), followed by Māori (9 out of 21); the group most likely to report was New Zealand European (19 out of 37). Neither of the two transgender participants reported to the police, although three out of the four male participants did.

Reasons for not reporting or reporting
The main reasons given for not reporting were that victim/survivors were afraid they would not be believed (49 percent), the effect on the family/whānau (46 percent), shame or whakamā (34 percent) and fear of the offender (34 percent). Twenty-nine percent said that the nature of their relationship with the perpetrator prevented them from reporting.

The most frequently mentioned reasons for reporting were not wanting perpetrators to get away with what they had done (41 percent) and not wanting others to be exposed to the risk of assault (38 percent), followed by being scared it would happen again (19 percent).

Reporting
The majority (66 percent) of participants reported to the police the same day or within a week of being assaulted. However, five respondents did not report the abuse to the police until several years afterwards.

Most victim/survivors first came in contact with male police officers (19 reported this). In four cases victim/survivors dealt with male and female officers, and in seven cases the police officers were women. Overall, victim/survivors expressed a preference for the initial contact, in particular the disclosure of details, to be with a female officer.

Those for whom this was their first experience of sexual assault were most likely to report the assault to the police. Regardless of their history, most victim/survivors (approximately two-thirds) had concerns about reporting to the police. Interviewees who were most likely to voice concerns were New Zealand European (13 out of 17) followed by Māori (4 out of 7).

Respondents’ concerns relating to reporting to the police mirror those of the cohort who did not report to police. They were concerned that the police would not believe them (n=7), they had had previous negative experiences with the police (n=3), they did not wholly trust the police (n=3), and they were ashamed and/or embarrassed about what had happened to them (n=3).

Formal interview
Thirty-three research participants underwent a formal interview process (i.e. made a statement) with the police. This was usually undertaken at a police station by a detective and sometimes with uniformed officers in attendance.

As with the initial reporting experience, the majority of police detectives and officers who conducted formal interviews were men (19 out of 33 respondents reported this).

Approximately one-third of respondents (n=10; 30 percent) said they would have preferred to be interviewed by a female detective or officer. Eleven respondents specifically commented that they had dealt with the same police officer or officers to whom they had initially reported.

The majority of the 28 interviewees (n=23; 82 percent) who had undergone a formal interview said they felt able to talk freely to the police and tell them everything they wanted to. However, the process was exhausting.

Three of those who said they could not be completely open with the police talked about their own fear and prejudice in relation to the police, having to talk to a male officer, and thinking the police would not believe ‘the sexual abuse stuff’.

Obtaining evidence
Seven participants who had been sexually assaulted in their own homes commented on how the police’s need to obtain evidence from the scene had affected them. Most were matter of fact about this.

Eleven victim/survivors said that the police had kept some of their property for evidence – this was mainly clothing and bedding. Five of the 11 said they were fine with this as it would ‘help prove’ their case. However, the remainder said that this was a distressing and often painful experience.

Victim/survivors’ experiences
Most respondents made positive comments about how they were treated by the police – police had been ‘understanding’, ‘professional’, ‘warm’, ‘respectful’ and ‘considerate’. However, a minority of respondents (n=8) described the police as ‘cold’, ‘insensitive’, ‘clinical’ or ‘disbelieving’, particularly at the reporting stage.

Respondents reported mostly negative feelings about reporting the sexual assault to the police and giving a formal interview. They said they were ‘apprehensive’ (n=12; 36 percent) and ‘dissociated’ (n=10; 28 percent) at the point of reporting, and only marginally less so at the interview stage.
When it came time to reveal the nature of the assault in more detail at the formal interview, more respondents (10 out of 33) reported feelings of shame/whakamā and embarrassment. Some respondents said they felt ‘validated’, ‘secure’, ‘relieved’ (n=2) and ‘alright with the process’ (n=2).

Most respondents had ideas on how the police reporting and formal interview processes could be improved – the themes were similar across the two stages. Areas that needed addressing included first contact with a female officer, more information at the initial reporting stage, privacy and a sterile, unfriendly environment at police stations, the judgemental non-supportive attitude of some police.

Support and assistance
About two-fifths of respondents said it was helpful when the police were supportive, made them feel believed, did not judge them and provided them with information about their options, police processes and the progress of their case. Conversely, it was unhelpful when these things did not happen. One-third of respondents said that dealing with police officers who were insensitive or clinical was also unhelpful.

For victim/survivors who had support across the police process, two constant sources of support came from family/whānau and specialist sexual violence agencies.

Specialist sexual violence agencies played more of a support role at the formal interview stage and more victim/survivors had the support of counsellors at the later stages of the police process.

Respondents found emotional and practical support from these sources helpful, although there could always be more. The form of practical support most often mentioned was transport to the police station and/or court.

Withdrawal from police processes
Six respondents, including one male respondent, said they had considered withdrawing from the police process once they had made a complaint and/or given a statement. Their reasons related to the length of time things took, being tired of waiting for an outcome, and the thought of having to go to court.

Nine said they had experienced pressure from others to withdraw from the process. This was usually when there had been a close relationship between the victim/survivor and the perpetrator. Pressure to withdraw often came from family/whānau members (n=4), friends (n=3), and the perpetrator (n=2).

Seventeen respondents said they had been encouraged and supported to continue with the police process. Sources of encouragement included combinations of: family and whānau, the police, partners, counsellors or psychologists, support groups, friends, and specialist sexual violence agencies.

Outcome of reporting to police
In 17 out of 37 cases reported to the police there was no formal outcome. In 9 of these cases this was the result of the police deciding not to lay charges, typically due to insufficient evidence. The majority of the victim/survivors in these cases expressed strong dissatisfaction at no action being taken against the perpetrator. This was the most significant point of exit from the criminal justice system.

In 19 (51 percent) cases (including 6 out of 11 cases of intimate partner violence) investigations were undertaken, formal charges were laid and the case proceeded through the criminal justice system. Two-thirds of these cases proceeded to trial and perpetrators pleaded guilty in the remaining one-third.

6    Forensic medical examination

When an incident of sexual assault is reported to the police, arrangements should be made for a medical examination to be conducted as soon as possible in order to obtain forensic evidence. In this study only a small number of victim/survivors (n=11) had a forensic medical examination.
Forensic medical examination

Most of those examined said they were told the reasons for the examination and had been consulted to some extent about the procedure.

In nine cases the doctor performing the examination was a woman. This was strongly appreciated by most respondents, including the only male respondent who had a forensic medical examination.

Victim/survivors’ experiences
About half those who had a forensic medical examination experienced the doctor as warm and understanding, while one-third felt the doctor was cold and clinical.

When asked how they felt after the examination was over, most answered in negative terms, with three saying they had experienced the procedure as a re-violation similar to the initial rape/sexual assault.

Those who were examined appreciated the information provided by the doctor and the ways some doctors were comforting and validating, acknowledging how invasive the procedure was and displaying empathy. They found these responses helpful.

About half identified negative or unhelpful factors related to the procedure. These included feeling pressured to have the examination and the doctor exhibiting a cold and clinical attitude.

Overall, their comments reflect the importance of the forensic medical examination being conducted in ways that are sensitive and respectful, preferably by female doctors, while enabling victim/survivors to retain some control and dignity during such a difficult procedure.

7    Going to court

Few complaints of sexual violence result in formal charges being laid and even fewer proceed to trial. For those that go to trial the probability of a guilty verdict is statistically unlikely. Not all research participants who reported sexual assault to the police went on to be involved in the court process.

Court processes
The cases of 17 victim/survivors proceeded to court; all said they had been given information about court procedures beforehand, most often by the police or by a court victim adviser. About a third still felt they were unprepared for managing court processes.

The trial
Most met the prosecutor only on the day of the trial or the day before, although the majority found the prosecutor understanding, professional and pleasant. A minority felt the prosecutor was too cold and clinical.

All interviewees who gave evidence (11 out of 14) described the experience in negative terms, including ‘traumatic’ and ‘degrading’. This was irrespective of whether the accused was found guilty at trial, which happened in over half the cases.

Withdrawal from the court process
Only three respondents said they had considered dropping out of the court process because of the length of time it took the case to come to trial. They had been exposed to pressure from perpetrators and family/whānau to drop charges.

Ten interviewees said they had been supported and encouraged to carry on with the court process. Support most often came from family/whānau, friends, the police and service or agency staff (specialist sexual violence agencies and Women’s Refuge in particular).

Support and assistance
Most respondents had support during the court process and said they could choose their support person. They typically opted for a family member, followed by a friend or a specialist sexual violence agency worker.

What they found the hardest to manage was ‘defence attorney bullying’, as well as their proximity to the perpetrator and his supporters.

All of those who experienced court processes commented on the importance of having good support available, whether from family, friends or agencies. Some felt it was essential to have their support person visible and close by them.

Also rated highly was the need for all those going to court to be provided with detailed information about giving evidence, their rights in the system, and the chances of a conviction.

Victim impact statement and sentencing
Twelve out of the 14 interviewees whose case went to depositions/trial said they had made a victim impact statement to inform the sentencing process, if there was a guilty verdict. Most comments about this process were positive: victim/survivors found the process ‘therapeutic’, ‘healing’ a ‘relief’ and ‘not too hard’.

Six interviewees indicated that they had attended the sentencing of ‘their’ perpetrator at the end of the trial. All of them said their victim impact statement had been read out in court and that this was a healing or empowering experience.

Outcomes
In about half of the cases the accused was found guilty at trial (8 out of 17) and in another three cases the accused pled guilty before the case proceeded from depositions to trial. The remainder of the outcomes were less desirable for victim/survivors (e.g. not guilty verdicts).

8    Support systems

Many victim/survivors had made contact or been put in touch with a wide range of support agencies, including both generic counselling agencies and specialist sexual violence agencies. Chapter 8 considers their contact and experiences with these agencies, as well as their experiences with informal sources of support.

Formal support
The majority of those interviewed and surveyed had contact with at least one formal support agency, most often accessed by referral from a counsellor or police, or through self-referral; for example, some responded to advertisements in local papers.

One-third said they had experienced difficulty in accessing support services and felt more information was required about what services were available.

Some also felt it was difficult to access services when they were most needed and for the length of time required, and that more culturally appropriate services were needed.

The majority of those accessing formal agency support expressed satisfaction with the service provided, valuing in particular the emotional support provided. Practical support such as child-minding and transport was appreciated, while some commented on the high financial costs associated with accessing agency support and counselling.

Some found particular support workers or counsellors less helpful than others.  Unhelpful responses included support workers who conveyed a sense of blame or judgement and failed to provide safety for the victim/survivor.

Many emphasised the importance of being able to access support from the most competent and appropriate provider for the individual, the ‘right’ person whether that was in terms of personality, therapeutic modality, gender, ethnicity, or sexual preference –whatever was deemed significant by that particular victim/survivor.

There was overwhelming recognition of the value and quality of support provided by specialist sexual violence agencies, a finding that in many ways underscores the obvious conclusion – namely, that the needs of those subjected to the trauma of sexual violence are best met by specialist trained and qualified personnel and agencies.

Geographical considerations
Victim/survivors’ ability to access formal support systems was affected by where they lived.

Those who had moved from rural areas commented on the ease with which they could access services in larger metropolitan areas. This also enabled them to choose from a range of counsellors and service providers, increasing the possibility of being able to find the support that best met their own needs and preferences.

In areas where little choice was available, victim/survivors struggled to find the best support for themselves. Some faced safety and confidentiality issues that could compromise their abilities to disclose and access support.

Informal support
Two-thirds of all respondents had also sought informal support from friends, family/whānau and others.

The most helpful response respondents received was emotional support, with many saying they valued the general willingness of others to listen and be there for them.

Practical support was also valued by some, and included the provision of information, advice, and accommodation, or running errands.

The small number (n=14) who were disappointed with how those around them responded described finding it difficult, for example, when others told them how they ‘should’ be feeling. They also struggled if those around them took it upon themselves to disclose what had happened to other people without first obtaining the victim/survivor’s permission.

As well as external sources of support, two-thirds of respondents used self-help strategies, most typically books and to a lesser extent internet-based material. Others referred to a variety of pursuits and activities they experienced as helpful, including exercise, meditation, and art therapy. Most of those who used self-help strategies found these beneficial in their recovery process, suggesting that such measures need to be recognised as a useful complement to counselling and other more formal therapeutic practices.

9    Surviving sexual violence

A major aim of this study was to gain greater understanding of the impacts of sexual violence and what helped victim/survivors in their healing and recovery. Chapter 9 presents the interviewees’ responses to questions about what they found helpful in the recovery process and how they assessed the influence of other people’s and agencies’ responses when they sought help.

Impacts
Victim/survivors described in detail how the rape/sexual assault affected them and those close to them. Their responses indicate a wide variety of impacts affecting every aspect of their lives.

The majority described how they felt their lives had been turned upside down by their experience of sexual assault, especially in relation to emotional and mental health and sex, trust, and intimacy.

Many felt the effects were long-lasting, affecting their relationships and work as well as their physical and mental health.

Healing and recovery
Eighty-four percent indicated that the recovery process was not complete. Many provided responses that indicated how profound the impact had been on their sense of self and identity.

The factor most strongly associated with recovery was access to counselling, in particular, finding the ‘right’ counsellor.

Family members and friends were sometimes supportive, but often lacked the understanding to provide what victim/survivors’ needed.

Many victim/survivors were also helped by self-help strategies, which included literature, sport and recreational activities, alternative health remedies, and ‘pampering’.

Interestingly, the majority acknowledged how, somewhat paradoxically, some positive consequences did derive from their experience of sexual violence. The most commonly cited examples were increased levels of awareness, strength and resilience.

The overall impression was that healing and recovery was typically a long process and one that, ideally, was contributed to by a wide range of formal and informal sources of support, including self-help strategies.

A recurrent theme, articulated on a variety of levels, was that there was no one path to recovery – recovery could take various routes, and was often underpinned by a determination to reject a victim-based sense of identity.

Advice to other victim/survivors
The most common advice (23 out of 54) was for victim/survivors to obtain counselling and support in the aftermath of sexual assault, and to do all they could to get help.

Concern was also raised about the need for services tailored towards meeting the needs of specialist groups, such as for victim/survivors with disabilities or managing drug and alcohol-related issues.

Seventeen victim/survivors felt the most important thing was to tell someone what had happened. While this could be a counsellor, many felt that it could be friends or whānau members – the important thing was to find somebody the victim/survivor trusted who would listen in a non-judgemental manner.

In relation to accessing the criminal justice system, seven said they would advise others to report such an offence, citing the importance of not letting offenders get away with it as well as the benefits that could come from reporting.

Others (n=3), however, were adamant that it was better not to report. They considered it more important to get support than to expect positive benefits from involvement with the police and criminal justice system.

10    Experiences of Māori victim/survivors

Māori have been found to experience sexual violence at up to twice the rate of other women in New Zealand (Mayhew and Reilly, 2007). It is, therefore, essential to understand better the characteristics and needs of Māori victim/survivors.

The experiences of Māori victim/survivors did not differ greatly from those of others in the sample. Consequently, most of what they considered to be helpful is similar to that expressed by other victim/survivors in this study.

All Māori victim/survivors had experienced more than one incident of sexual violence, some in childhood.

More than half (10 out of 17) of Māori interviewed identified support from friends as most useful for recovery, followed by counselling and/or psychological support.

Māori who lived in rural communities commented that living in a rural Māori environment helped them to access services easily: it was easier to approach a local health service because counsellors or support workers are known to the community. Some appreciated the willingness of Māori counsellors to make home visits. However, lack of confidentiality could also be a concern in small rural communities.

The most difficult part of recovery for Māori victim/survivors was disclosing and working to build trust and self-esteem.

Many Māori victim/survivors said their inner strength, confidence and self-esteem had grown in the wake of the sexual violation experience.

The helpful advice most Māori victim/survivors offered to other victim/survivors was to disclose and to engage in counselling.

Although many expressed a preference for kaupapa Māori services, others encouraged Māori not to exclude ‘Pākehā’ services in their search for healing and recovery.

11    Summary of findings and conclusions

The aim of this study was to explore help-seeking and pathways to assistance and recovery for adult (i.e. aged 16 and over) victim/survivors of sexual violence from diverse population groups across New Zealand. The focus was on victim/survivors’ experiences of engaging with formal and informal systems. For some, this included the criminal justice system.

Key areas of concern
A consistently high level of service provision was lacking. While many instances of good practice and commendable service were found, the research also uncovered multiple instances that suggested variable service delivery.

The links between adult sexual violence and other forms of violence are obvious in this study. Many of those interviewed disclosed instances of childhood sexual abuse, even though not specifically asked to do so. In addition, a high number of rapes/sexual assaults occurred in the context of intimate partner violence.

Findings from this study point to many victim/survivors having experienced multiple incidents of sexual violence. This suggests the existence of a highly vulnerable population in need of specialist services and positive interventions to mitigate risk.

The evidence from this study, considered in conjunction with the findings from earlier research, highlights the advantages to be obtained from implementing a specialised response. Wherever moves towards specialisation have been taken, there appear to be clear advantages for victim/survivors.

Future research
This study is significant for its own findings and at the same time is typical of most research in that it generates many questions for future research. Future research is needed:

• to obtain more details about why so many victim/survivors do not report or disclose to the police
• into sexual violence perpetrated in the context of intimate partner violence, considering in particular issues around disclosure, help-seeking, specific needs and issues
• using larger samples to gain more details about the experiences and needs of male victim/survivors, disabled victim/survivors, gay and lesbian victim/survivors, and victim/survivors in provincial and rural areas
• to develop a more in-depth understanding of the links between childhood sexual abuse and adult victimisation
• to develop a greater understanding of the relationship between alcohol and/or other drugs and sexual assault, and its significance for help-seeking experiences
• into teenage and dating violence – contexts, effects, help-seeking, healing and recovery
• that is founded on kaupapa Māori
• that is founded on Pacific methodologies
• into the implementation and evaluation of education programmes aimed at preventing sexual violence.

Final comment
This study reinforces much of what we already knew about the trauma of rape and how to respond to it. The findings suggest that although progress has been made in many areas, there is still a long way to go before we can be assured that all victim/survivors of rape/sexual assault in New Zealand, irrespective of gender, ethnicity, sexual preference, location or social background, are guaranteed to receive optimal levels of professional agency treatment. The findings also reinforce the importance of ensuring that high levels of support and counselling are available to assist in recovery from rape.

‘Recovery’ emerges neither as a position that can be reached at a particular point in time, nor as necessarily signalling a return to a prior state of well-being. Instead the responses point to a need to be able simultaneously to embrace recognition of the traumatising effects of sexual violence and how these may impact in deleterious ways, while also acknowledging how many victim/survivors emerge from this experience stronger and more self-aware. The passive connotations of the word ‘victim’ are challenged by the interviewees’ descriptions of how they actively sought and utilised a range of support systems, both formal and informal, to assist them in rebuilding their selves.

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PART ONE: INTRODUCTION

1    Background

1.1    Introduction

Adult sexual violence is an area of high impact within New Zealand communities and internationally. The experience of rape/sexual assault has the potential to be devastating, with its effects being felt in every area of the victim/survivor’s life (Ahrens and Campbell, 2000; Jordan, 2008; Olle, 2005; Resick, 1993). Those victimised often blame themselves for what happened, having internalised societal beliefs that work to hold the victim responsible while excusing the perpetrator’s actions (Ahrens et al., 2007; Jordan, 2004).

In the 2006 New Zealand Crime and Safety Survey, the risk of sexual victimisation was found to be highest for young women aged 15–24. Risks were also high for female students and women living with flatmates. Māori women and women who were sole parents each had a rate double the average for women overall (Mayhew and Reilly, 2007). However, the prevalence of sexual violence across different groups is hard to judge.

Few who are sexually assaulted report what happened to the police. If a victim/survivor does report the offence, she or he enters a criminal justice system that can be experienced in diverse ways, ranging from highly validating and supportive through to perpetuating secondary victimisation (Herman, 2005; Jordan, 2004). Moreover, among those who do report, there can be substantial attrition (see Kelly et al., 2005; Lea et al., 2003; Gregory and Lees, 1999; Harris and Grace, 1999). We know that some victim/survivors seek help from other formal social support agencies, such as medical and mental health agencies, rape crisis centres, other victim support services, and religious communities (Astbury, 2006; Lievore, 2005). The role played by support and advocacy services can be critical in the recovery process (Campbell, 2006; Lievore, 2005; Lovett et al., 2004). A larger proportion of victim/survivors, however, rely on informal support from family, whānau and friends (Ahrens et al., 2007; Ahrens and Campbell, 2000). Some victim/survivors do not disclose their experiences at all (Astbury, 2006).

A gap in current knowledge is how adult victim/survivors of sexual violence come to seek and receive help (cf. Lievore, 2005; Littleton et al, 2006; Stenius and Veysey, 2005). Another gap in understanding is how various factors shape recovery, including initial responses to disclosure of sexual violence, relationship to the offender; gender, ethnicity, and the availability and accessibility of formal and informal support (Fisher et al., 2003; Lievore, 2005; Ahrens et al., 2007; Ahrens and Campbell, 2000). A third gap in knowledge is whether the needs of victim/survivors change over time and how this is linked to involvement with support systems.

1.2    Project overview

As part of its work to improve women’s well-being, the Ministry of Women’s Affairs has led a research project on effective interventions for adult victim/survivors of sexual violence. The project has four interrelated work streams, comprising:

• this study of pathways from crisis to recovery, focusing on individuals who have experienced sexual violence as adults and their experiences with a variety of support sources (the pathways study)
• an environmental scan of agencies and key informants that respond to victim/survivors, focusing on systemic, organisational and other contextual factors that influence systems’ and agencies’ responses (Mossman et al., 2009b)
• a retrospective analysis of attrition of sexual violation incidents recorded by the New Zealand Police (Triggs et al., 2009)
• a literature review of good practice in service delivery for services that respond to adult victim/survivors of sexual violence (Mossman et al., 2009a).

The findings from these work streams will contribute to the Government’s considerations for policy and practice responses for victim/survivors of adult sexual violence. The Ministry of Women’s Affairs has led the research in partnership with the Ministry of Justice and New Zealand Police.

In May 2008, the Ministry of Women’s Affairs contracted researchers from the Crime and Justice Research Centre, Victoria University of Wellington, to undertake all four work streams.

1.3    Structure of this report

Chapter 2 details the methods used in this research, ethical and safety issues, and the demographics and other characteristics of the sample. Chapter 3 contains the seven case studies that provide a context for the research findings. Chapter 4 describes victim/survivors’ experiences of the sexual assault/rape incident. Chapter 5 considers the experiences of those who underwent a forensic medical examination. Chapter 6 describes the experiences of those who reported to the police. Chapter 7 describes victim/survivors’ experience of the court and trial processes. Chapter 8 reviews victim/survivors’ experiences of formal and informal support systems. Chapter 9 describes the impact of the sexual assault on the victim/survivors and what they found most helpful for their healing and recovery. Chapter 10 details the experiences of Māori victim/survivors. Chapter 11 provides a concluding summary and discussion of the overall research findings.

This is followed by a glossary explaining Māori terms used in the report.

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2    Methodology

2.1    Objectives

The pathways study was commissioned to explore help-seeking and pathways to assistance and recovery for adult (i.e. people aged 16 or over) victim/survivors of sexual violence from diverse population groups across New Zealand. The focus was on victim/survivors’ experiences of engaging with formal and informal systems. For some, this included the criminal justice system.

The study’s objectives were to identify:

• key points at which victim/survivors become involved with the criminal justice system and how they come to be involved
• key points at which victim/survivors exit the criminal justice system and how this comes about
• factors that promote victim/survivors continuing through the criminal justice process
• what victim/survivors found helpful and unhelpful about their interactions with the criminal justice system
• key points at which victim/survivors access other formal support systems and how they come to do so
• victim/survivors’ views on what works to promote recovery, resilience and strength
• the impact of geographical location on pathways to assistance and recovery.

An additional aim was to focus on the experiences of New Zealand European (Pākehā), Māori and young women, since current information suggests the prevalence of sexual violence is highest among these groups.

This is not a representative sample of New Zealand victim/survivors of sexual assault; nor was it intended to be. To generate data relevant to the objectives of the study, we used a purposive sampling method, based on clearly defined inclusion criteria (see sections 2.4.1 and 2.6.2). While we can draw conclusions on the basis of the findings, particularly where they are consistent with previous international research, we cannot generalise them to the total population. We discuss this further in section 2.8.

2.2    Ethical issues

An application for ethical approval for the study was submitted to the Victoria University of Wellington’s Human Ethics Committee. The application detailed procedures for informing those being asked to take part in interviews about the research, obtaining their consent, providing them with feedback at the end of the study, and procedures for storing and maintaining the confidentiality of information. Ethics approval was granted in June 2008.

The provisions of the Privacy Act 1993 with respect to confidentiality and methods of obtaining, storing and destroying information were adhered to in this study.

2.2.1    Safety procedures
The researchers have had considerable experience in interviewing on sensitive topics, such as family violence, and have established procedures for contacting and interviewing victims and offenders. These procedures have been designed to ensure researcher and interviewee safety.

Protocols for interviewees included:

• telling them who would have access to their data
• ‘protecting’ and/or supporting them during the interview process
• informing them of the issues surrounding confidentiality: that they did not have to answer any questions they did not want to, and that no information would be included in the report that would enable them to be identified.

Interviewees were also advised that confidentiality would be breached only if the interviewer received information that suggested the research participant or another person was at risk of harm.

In addition, the safety of interviewers was addressed by putting in place:

• debriefing procedures
• safety protocols that required researchers to take a cell phone with them when conducting fieldwork
• safety measures during the interview process, for example, requiring interviewers to always inform someone of their whereabouts.

2.2.3    Cultural safety
The Crime and Justice Research Centre recognises the importance of undertaking research in a culturally appropriate manner, so Māori and Pacific cultural protocols and processes guided this research. The aim was to treat all participants courteously and with respect, and to respond sensitively so as to neither offend those who are more culturally conservative nor embarrass those who are less so.

Our approach acknowledges and is sensitive to the needs of Māori and Pacific peoples as service providers and victim/survivors. Our research team included highly respected and experienced Māori and Pacific researchers. These two team members also fulfilled a quality assurance role.

2.2.4    Effect of the research on those being studied
As researchers we are always aware of the effect the interview process might have on research participants, especially where questions involve personal or sensitive issues. Therefore, we put in place processes to mediate unintended outcomes. In previous research the Crime and Justice Research Centre carried out, participants generally reported that their involvement in the research was positive; it gave them an opportunity to reflect on their experiences and express their feelings, both positive and negative (for example, Maxwell et al., 2004, and Kingi and Poppelwell, 2005).

Steps were taken to ensure, as far as possible, that participants experienced no negative effects from participating in this research. Interview guidelines addressed issues such as researchers’ reminding participants that they need not answer any particular question and how researchers should respond if a participant became distressed. The researcher usually contacted participants the day after the interview, particularly if they had become distressed, to ascertain whether they were alright and whether they had adequate support to deal with issues that might have arisen for them as a result of the interview. Participants could also have support people present during the interview.

2.3    Definitions

The following list defines the core concepts used throughout this report.

• Safety refers to freedom from the risk of further sexual victimisation, physical or psychological injury, or secondary victimisation. Potential sources of further risk include other people, risky or self-harming behaviours, or engagement with justice, health or other services.
• Well-being refers to physical, psychological and emotional welfare. Well-being can be promoted in many ways, including through the belief and support of others, knowledge of and access to therapeutic interventions that promote recovery, knowledge of and access to legal redress, the perception that justice has been done, knowledge about rights and choices, having one’s needs met, and regaining a sense of control over one’s body and life.
•  Recovery relates to a restoration of well-being across a range of domains, including physical, mental, emotional, spiritual and interpersonal domains. Different sectors have different models of recovery. Recovery is a process, not an end, and people recover in different ways.
• Victim/survivor reflects that:

experiencing sexual violence is an act of victimisation and has to be acknowledged as such. However, being victimised does not mean those raped should have to assume the ‘victim’ label with all its negative connotations; conversely, survival is neither assured nor necessarily immediately apparent: some women may always deem it a ‘work in progress’. (Mossman et al., 2009a: p6)

2.4    Research design

The research design involved qualitative and quantitative methods. The two components of the research were as follows.

• Confidential, in-depth, face-to-face interviews were undertaken with adult victim/survivors of sexual assault to explore their help-seeking and pathways to recovery. This included their experiences of engaging with formal and informal systems.
• A self-completion, anonymous survey based on the interview schedule was distributed by service providers/agencies. The survey, as an additional method of data collection, boosted respondent numbers by allowing victim/survivors who did not want to be interviewed to take part in the research.

2.4.1    Parameters of the research
The parameters of this research were set to include any victim of rape/sexual assault who had disclosed the incident to the police, a support agency or any other professional since 2000. The year 2000 was selected to:

• provide a sufficiently broad period to maximise the chances of reaching a target sample size of 50, while not extending so far back in time that memory and recall issues would become problematic
• cover the years following potentially significant changes to police procedures (e.g. the introduction of the New Zealand Police Adult Sexual Assault Investigation Policy 1998)
• obtain more recent accounts of reporting procedures and help-seeking experiences to compare with studies conducted in New Zealand during the 1980s (Young, 1983) and 1990s (Jordan, 1998).

2.5    Interview schedules and information sheets

Interview schedules, self-completion questionnaires and information sheets were based on those used by Associate Professor Jan Jordan in previous research with victim/survivors of sexual assault. These were adapted for this study in consultation with the project advisory group to meet the needs of this project. The Ministry of Women’s Affairs signed off the pathways study’s research instruments in August 2008.

2.6    Fieldwork – recruitment and challenges

Fieldwork began in August 2008 and concluded in late December the same year. Identifying areas in which to undertake the research and recruiting participants posed challenges for the research team. A team of experienced senior researchers carried out all the fieldwork. In most cases, interviews with Māori and Pacific victim/survivors were carried out by a researcher of the same ethnicity. All interviews with male participants were carried out by the male member of the research team.

2.6.1    Fieldwork areas
The criteria for identifying the areas to be included in the pathways study were decided in collaboration with the Ministry of Women’s Affairs. Six areas were chosen because they provided a reasonable urban-rural split, gave a better chance of recruiting Māori participants, and had a specialist sexual violence agency/service. The six areas were:

• Counties Manukau
• Greater Wellington
• the Waikato
• Taranaki
• Nelson
• Westport.

However, the fieldwork ultimately spread to include Auckland, Gisborne, Dunedin and Christchurch where networks or self-referrals enabled us to boost the sample.

2.6.2    Victim/survivor interviews
On 21 May 2008, the Ministry of Women’s Affairs sent out an email informing people on their workshop/hui contact lists that the Crime and Justice Research Centre had been awarded the contracts for the sexual violence research. The Ministry invited any individual or organisation interested in taking part in the pathways study to communicate their interest to the Ministry, which would pass their details to the research team. This resulted in a small number of victim/survivor self-referrals.

In some areas, service providers/agencies asked for several pre-recruitment meetings with the researchers so they could satisfy themselves of the researchers’ credentials and ability to undertake interviews with victim/survivors in an appropriate manner. The researchers were also asked what would happen to the research reports at the end of the project. The Crime and Justice Research Centre subsequently sought advice from the Ministry of Women’s Affairs on this issue and passed on the information to service providers/agencies.

To be eligible to take part in the research, victim/survivors had to have:

• been 16 years or over when the assault took place
• disclosed the assault since 2000 to a support or advocacy agency or professional (e.g. a doctor, Rape Crisis, a women’s refuge, a counsellor or therapist, Victim Support, or the police)
• had the legal process for their case completed, if they had reported the assault to the police.

Some interviewees had experienced only one sexual assault, but others had experienced numerous assaults as adults (and sometimes as children); some had experienced a single perpetrator and others more than one. Therefore, it was important to identify the incident the interviewee wanted to talk about. If there had been more than one assault since the interviewee was aged 16, the criteria for selecting the incident was:

• the incident was reported since 2000, or
• if all incidents had been reported, the most recent incident, or
• the incident that met the criteria, stood out for the interviewee, and was the incident the interviewee wanted to discuss.

All interviews took place face to face and, if the interviewee agreed, were recorded. Interviewees came from a variety of sources, including specialist sexual violence agencies (e.g. Te Ohaakii a Hine – National Network Ending Sexual Violence Together), Accident Compensation Corporation (ACC) and other counsellors, Women’s Refuge (a small number), the New Zealand Prostitutes Collective, and self-referral. In some cases researchers were provided with the contact details for interviewees and made initial contact by phone to arrange a face-to-face meeting at a time and a place suitable for the interviewee. In other cases the interview was arranged by the service provider/counsellor and was usually undertaken at their work premises. In these cases the counsellor or service support person would sometimes be present to support the interviewee. Informed consent was gained at the time of the interview, although most interviewees who were recruited through agencies had seen the information sheet and had the research explained before they met the researcher.

All interviewees were given a koha of $30 in appreciation of their participation. Service providers/agencies that recruited participants were given a koha of $50 in acknowledgement of their support for the research and the time they willingly gave to assist the research team.

The three major challenges in recruiting a sample of adult victim/survivors of sexual assault were:

• gaining the confidence of service providers/agencies in a short period
• the number of victim/survivors engaged with these service providers who were willing to participate but were dealing with issues related to childhood sexual abuse only – the study focused on incidents that occurred when the victim/survivor was 16 years or over
• the shortage of victim/survivors who were at a stage in the counselling or healing process when the interview process would not re-traumatise them – this resulted in very small numbers interviewed in some areas (e.g. only one interviewee from Taranaki).

2.6.3    Māori victim/survivors
Māori interviewees were accessed through Māori counselling networks, Māori women’s refuges, Māori health networks, Māori and non-Māori ACC counsellors, and whānau referral processes. Initially, recruitment was through telephone contact or kanohi ki te kanohi (face-to-face) engagement with health professionals.

A flyer for the Māori communications strategy was finalised in early August 2008, and the Ministry of Women’s Affairs distributed it to the Māori networks the Ministry and Te Puni Kōkiri had identified. However, the most appropriate and successful form of recruitment proved to be kanohi ki te kanohi meetings with Māori service providers, utilising a Māori framework of engagement (pōwhiri or mihi whakatau). This gave the researcher an opportunity to introduce the research project in depth. 

It also allowed adequate time to discuss the research project and participation criteria and answer questions. In most cases Māori refuges felt they could not refer women to the project. Sexual abuse is often the last form of family violence women feel safe to disclose – if they disclose it at all to refuge workers. As a result, they were often dealing with the physical violence and were not on the pathway to recovery from sexual violence.

Recruitment challenges reflected a lack of time to network appropriately with Māori communities in the designated areas. Networking with Māori communities and face-to-face meetings require adequate time to set up hui and to engage successfully with Māori communities.

The recruitment process was also compromised by a general lack of interest in the project’s relevance from the perspective of kaupapa Māori service providers. One service provider indicated that it was involved in a kaupapa Māori project on sexual violation, so chose not to be involved in a research project using a Western framework, although it was supportive of the research kaupapa.

2.6.4    Pacific victim/survivors
Pacific interviewees were accessed through Pacific non-government organisations and counselling networks in Christchurch, Auckland, Porirua, Wellington and Auckland. Recruitment was done through telephone contact with email follow-up.

Pacific research guidelines were followed in all interviews (see Health Research Council, 2003). In all but one interview, a counsellor or friend was present for the entire interview, which undoubtedly helped the interviewees feel safe and ensured that post-interview support was available should the interviewee need it. Although the interview schedule was followed, the use of the talanoa (Samoan word for ‘conversation’) methodology gave interviewees the chance to focus on the issues of most concern to them. Around half of the interviews were carried out in Samoan and/or a mixture of Samoan and English. Interviews took place over a cup of tea at the interviewee’s home, their office, a restaurant, and the premises of a non-government organisation and ranged from one to two hours in duration. Interviews were stressful at times as the women recounted their experiences and tears flowed. Although this was distressing, each interviewee welcomed the chance to recount their stories ‘if this will help someone else’.

Given anecdotal reports that Pacific women and girls are highly unlikely to report sexual violence-related incidents to the police or to anyone else, the prediction that it would be difficult to secure a Pacific sample proved correct. Numerous Pacific agencies and individuals were approached to secure a sample. Most did not have clients who met the sample criteria or had difficulty pulling out this kind of information from their files. Only one of those who met the criteria declined to be interviewed. While generalisations cannot be made, the majority of the Pacific interviewees had experienced sexual abuse at an early age by a family member that they considered had coloured their whole lives.

2.6.5    Male victim/survivors
It was challenging to identify and interview male victim/survivors. They were self-referred or recruited through men’s support groups. The main issue limiting numbers was that childhood sexual abuse is more prevalent than adult sexual violence among men. Men who were victim/survivors of childhood sexual abuse only were not eligible to participate in the study. Male victim/survivors had the choice of being interviewed by a male or female interviewer.

2.6.6    Victim/survivor survey
A survey was sent out to anyone who requested one by phone and 10–20 surveys were left with each service provider or counsellor visited. We have no way of knowing how widely these surveys were distributed, so it is not realistic to talk of response rates. Completed surveys were received from 18 respondents. One completed survey had to be excluded because the respondent was under the age of 16 when the assault occurred.

2.6.7    Case studies
The stories of seven women have been presented as case studies (see chapter 3). The case studies set the scene for the research findings. They were chosen to illustrate the diverse experiences of women and to provide examples of the various effects of sexual violence and the pathways women traversed to health and
well-being.

The seven women gave permission for their stories to be told and were given the opportunity to read and comment on them before they were included in the report.

2.7    The sample

Perhaps not surprisingly the largest proportion of interviewees came from the greater Wellington area where the research team was based, and most interviews were carried out in the North Island. In contrast, more than two-thirds of completed surveys came from the South Island. Table 1 sets out the numbers of interviews undertaken in each area and the corresponding number of surveys received.

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Table 1: Victim/survivors by area: survey (n=17) and interview (n=58) samples

Because we relied on the goodwill of others (predominantly, service providers, other agencies and counsellors) to recruit participants, we were unable to target those groups the Ministry of Women’s Affairs identified as requiring special attention; that is, New Zealand European, Māori and young women. However, we did have dedicated recruitment strategies for Māori, Pacific and male victim/survivors. The characteristics of the total sample illustrate a degree of success in engaging New Zealand European, Māori and relatively young women in the research.

2.7.1    Characteristics
This section describes the characteristics of the 58 victim/survivors who were interviewed, including the subsamples of male (n=4) and transgender (n=2) interviewees. It then describes respondents to the self-completion survey (n=17).

Interview sample
The characteristics of the interview sample are set out in Table 2.

Table 2: Interview sample characteristics (n=58)

Note

1. Data on sexual orientation were missing for two interviewees.

2. ‘Other’ included, for example, those living with whānau, with parents and child/children, or ‘drifting’ (i.e. of no fixed abode), with a former partner, or in residential drug and alcohol rehabilitation accommodation.

3. Data were missing on the employment status of one interviewee.

4. ‘Beneficiary’ included those on the domestic purposes, unemployment, invalids and sickness benefits and those receiving accident compensation.

5. ‘Other’ included those who identified as American, Croatian, Scottish, Fijian Indian, Indian and Native American.

6. The entire group had lived in New Zealand for more than five years, and two-thirds (n=6) for more than 10 years. Over half (n=5) had been born in the Pacific region (i.e. Samoa or Fiji). Information on place of birth was missing for one Pacific interviewee.

7. ‘Disability or impairment’ related to disabilities or impairments the participant self-identified during the interview, which could have been acute or chronic in nature.

Most interviewees were women (n=52; 90 percent) and heterosexual (n=49; 84 percent).

The assault occurred when about one-third (34 percent) of the group were aged under 20, almost two-thirds (63 percent) were aged under 30, and less than a fifth (14 percent) were aged 40 or over. Correspondingly, the group at the time of the interview was slightly older, with only 5 percent aged under 20, 58 percent aged under 40, and 42 percent aged 40 or over.

The relationship status of interviewees had not changed markedly over time. Similar proportions were single at the time of the interview and the time of the assault (47 percent compared with 45 percent). At the time of the interview a smaller proportion was in a relationship than had been previously (33 percent compared with 41 percent), and correspondingly more described themselves as divorced, separated or widowed (21 percent compared with 14 percent).

With living arrangements, at the time of the interview compared with the time of the assault more of the group were likely to be living alone (21 percent compared with 5 percent) and fewer with their parents (9 percent compared with 19 percent) or flatting (10 percent compared with 16 percent). In part, this could be a result of getting older and being more independent. There was no marked difference in the numbers living with a partner and/or children.

At the time of the interview compared with the time of the assault, more were employed (53 percent compared with 35 percent), fewer were students (3 percent compared with 26 percent), and more were beneficiaries (36 percent compared with 22 percent). The increase in those on benefits could be due to being a single parent or having a debilitating illness or disability, whether either was a result of the assault is unknown.

Approximately half (45 percent) identified as New Zealand European and almost one-third (29 percent) as Māori. Fourteen percent identified as having a Pacific ethnicity, and 12 percent identified with ‘other’ ethnic groups. Most (85 percent) of those interviewed were born in New Zealand. Five out of the eight Pacific interviewees were not born in New Zealand.

One-third (33 percent) of interviewees indicated that they had a disability or impairment. Disabilities reported were psychological and physical, and often co-existing. Disabilities or impairments that more than one interviewee reported included depression, anxiety and panic attacks, post-traumatic stress disorder, suicide ideation and self-harm, endometriosis, irritable bowel syndrome, and fibromyalgia and arthritis. Other disabilities reported included cerebral palsy, systemic lupus, chronic fatigue, hearing loss, agoraphobia, and dissociative identity disorder. Five interviewees expressed the belief that their disability was related to the sexual assault. However, others gave no indication of whether their disabilities or impairments were ongoing or recently diagnosed or whether they had been in existence at the time of the assault.

Male and transgender participants
The interview sample (n=58) included four male and two transgender victim/survivors. Three of the four men had been aged under 20 when the assault occurred, both transgender participants had been aged under 30, and the remaining male had been aged under 40.

The relationships of this group had changed over time. At the time of the assault three of the men and one transgender participant had been single. However, by the time of the interview this pattern had reversed – three men were in a relationship and one man and both transgender participants were single.

The living arrangements and employment status of the male and transgender participants were similar to those of the sample. One transgender participant was employed as a sex-worker.

One male and one transgender participant identified as Māori, the remainder identified as New Zealand European.

Three out of the four male interviewees indicated that they had a disability or impairment and two felt that it was related to the sexual assault. All three mentioned more than one disability, including alcohol and other drug addiction, post-traumatic stress disorder, emphysema, hearing loss, chronic fatigue, anxiety, and depression.

Survey sample

Table 3 describes the characteristics of the 17 people who responded to the self-completion survey. Their characteristics are similar to those of the interviewees.

Survey respondents were mainly female, heterosexual and young at the time of the sexual assault. Four women reported that they had a disability or an impairment, all of whom listed dual diagnoses including post-traumatic stress disorder, bipolar disorder, borderline personality disorder, depression, schizophrenia, and general health issues. The survey did not include questions about relationship status, living arrangements or employment.

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Table 3: Survey sample characteristics (n=17)

Note

1    ‘Other’ included people who identified as Asian and English.

2.7.2    History of sexual assault
Eighty-five percent (n=64) of the participants indicated that they had been sexually assaulted as adults or children more than once. This included all 21 Māori respondents, 73 percent of New Zealand European respondents (27 out of 37) and 50 percent of the Pacific respondents (4 out of 8).

Although not specifically asked, 39 percent (n=25) of the victim/survivors who had been assaulted more than once revealed that they had a history of childhood sexual abuse and had been sexually assaulted multiple times. Three out of the four male respondents revealed a history of childhood sexual abuse, as did 13 women and one transgender respondent. Four out of the 8 Pacific respondents revealed childhood sexual abuse, as did around one-third of both Māori and New Zealand European respondents (7 out of 21 and 11 out of 37, respectively).

Other victim/survivors had also been assaulted multiple times but only as adults, usually within the context of violent intimate relationships. Only 11 out of 75 (15 percent) were victim/survivors of a single incident of sexual violence as an adult.

2.8    Data analysis

Interview schedules were structured and included a mixture of closed and open-ended questions, the answers of which were analysed qualitatively and quantitatively. Quantitative data were entered into a Microsoft Excel 2003 spreadsheet for checking and then imported into statistical analysis software, SPSS, for analysis. Frequencies were produced for numerical data, and qualitative data (e.g. the responses to open-ended questions) were coded around key themes. Quotations are used in this report to illustrate these themes.

The data presented in the tables are usually self-explanatory but some have been summarised in the body of the report. In general, throughout the report data have been presented as proportions or percentages – raw data have been reported where the numbers involved are very small and it is misleading to report percentages. However, to maintain consistency, percentages have been provided in all tables even where numbers are small.

Data from the interviews have been supplemented with data from survey responses where applicable. Thus, the base numbers may vary; for example, where a question was asked only during interviews, the number is 58, whereas if all participants (those interviewed and those surveyed) were asked the question, the number is 75. The survey was a truncated version of the interview schedule, so several interview questions were not included in the survey. 

Data analysis was also complicated by the fact that numbers did not remain constant across categories (e.g. the number who reported to police) because respondents dropped in and out of categories depending on their circumstances (e.g. did not make a formal complaint, did not report the sexual violence, or their case did not result in charges being laid).

As numbers are small and some data were not reliable, we were unable to undertake in-depth or separate analyses of the different groups represented in the sample, such as Pacific and male victim/survivors, or victim/survivors who reported a disability. Data are reported on different groups throughout the report only where there are distinct differences, and for Māori victim/survivors (discussed as a whole in chapter 8). This means some of the smaller groups tend to be less visible than others in the report.

2.9    Limitations of the research

Some caveats should be noted in relation to the findings from this research. Findings should be interpreted taking into account the non-representative nature of the sample, the small numbers interviewed and the following factors.

• Services for victim/survivors varied across the areas where the research was undertaken.
• We relied on agencies (i.e. specialist sexual violence agencies and Women’s Refuge), individuals (e.g. ACC counsellors) and personal networks to recruit research participants. Therefore, the experiences of victim/survivors that we describe may not be typical of all those who have been sexually assaulted.
• Those who agreed to participate in the research might have been influenced by the degree and nature of their experiences – good or bad. Therefore, their experiences also may not be typical of all those who have been sexually assaulted.
• Only a small number of victim/survivors were interviewed in each area.
• For the reasons described above, the extent to which the findings from this research can be generalised, geographically or to all victim/survivors of sexual assault, is limited.

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Disclaimer

This report was commissioned by the Ministry of Women’s Affairs. The views, opinions and conclusions expressed in the report are intended to inform and stimulate wider debate. They do not represent government policy.
 

Published in October 2009
by the Ministry of Women’s Affairs | Minitatanga Mō Ngā Wāhine
PO Box 10 049, Wellington, 6143, New Zealand
Phone: 0064 4 915 7112
Fax: 0064 4 916 1604
Email: mwa@mwa.govt.nz
Website: www.mwa.govt.nz

ISBN 978-0-478252-41-5 (Print)
ISBN 978-0-478252-44-6 (Digital)